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new video has appeared providing us with an unprecedented view of a Chinese People’s Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF) Xian H-6N bomber carrying an air-launched anti-ship ballistic missile, or ASBM, a highly intriguing weapon that we have looked at in detail on more than one occasion in the past. Known also by the Western designation CH-AS-X-13, this missile remains in many ways mysterious, so any chance to get a better look at it is welcome indeed.

The video, and stills from it, began to circulate on social media today, with the original footage posted to Twitter by a user, apparently based in China, with the handle @lqy99021608. No further details about where or when the video was taken are available, but the huge missile on the centerline of the H-6N certainly appears to be related to the YJ-21, or Eagle Strike 21, a weapon that is itself thought to be a ship-launched version of the ground-based DF-21D (CSS-5 Mod 5), another anti-ship ballistic missile that reportedly became operational in 2010.

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Kiina-Solomon diili kuumentanut ainakin yhden aussin tunteita ja miehen jutut nousseet uusiin sfääreihin.

Whatever it takes now to prevent this outcome must happen. Either we undertake to destabilise the islands politically using whatever means necessary or we openly bomb Honiara into submission.


A smoking crater to Australia’s north is not what anybody wants but it’s transparently preferable to a weaponised Chinese satrap that all but ends Australian freedom.
 
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Hu Xijinilla on hörhön maine joten ei kannata ottaa ihan tosissaan kaikkea mitä ukko kirjoittaa.
 
Kiina-Solomon diili kuumentanut ainakin yhden aussin tunteita ja miehen jutut nousseet uusiin sfääreihin.



Näitä lukiessa tulee mieleen ajankohtainen lausahdus.



"Jokaisella itsenäisellä valtiolla on oikeus tehdä omat ulko- ja turvallisuuspoliittiset ratkaisunsa"



Samanlaista lausuntaa on kuulunut myös enklanniksi.
Koskeekohan tuo Salomonia vai onko 2000km hajurako jo tukeilua ja uhittelua:unsure:
 
Näitä lukiessa tulee mieleen ajankohtainen lausahdus.



"Jokaisella itsenäisellä valtiolla on oikeus tehdä omat ulko- ja turvallisuuspoliittiset ratkaisunsa"



Samanlaista lausuntaa on kuulunut myös enklanniksi.
Koskeekohan tuo Salomonia vai onko 2000km hajurako jo tukeilua ja uhittelua:unsure:
Noilla saarilla on paskat muistot Brittiläisestä kolonialismista. Kiribatin valtio tuosta hieman koiliseen oli 70-luvun loppuun asti Brittien alla ja australialaiset kaivosyhtiöt käytännössä raiskasi luontoa mm fosforikaivamisella.
Itse Salomonsaarilla on vahvat etniset jaot, joiden välillä on käyty sisällissota 99-01. Saarilla on myös vahva Kiinalaisvähemmistö. Tuo yhteistyösopimus on siitä ongelmallinen, että se mahdollistaa aseiden ja kiinalaisten sotilaiden tuonnin kiinamyönteisen hallituksen pyynnöstä valvomaan rauhaa. Katsoessa miten kiinalaiset valvovat mm Xinjiangissa rauhaa voidaan kyseenalaistaa näiden toimien rauhantahtoisuus.
Taitaa mennä niin, että Hallitus pysyy väkivalloin vallassa + saa lahjuksia ja kiinalaiset saa sotilaallisen etuvartion tutka-asemineen paikalle.
 
YouTube has blocked the campaign account of Hong Kong's only candidate for the Special Administrative Region's (SAR) head of government, John Lee Ka-chiu, citing US sanctions.

Lee was selected by Beijing and is almost certain to replace current HK Chief Executive Carrie Lam, another Chinese Communist Party pick, after a May 8 election. At the election, 1,454 members of a committee dominated by pro-Beijing politicians and tycoons votes.

Lee, often referred to as "Pikachu" by the Hong Kong anti-establishment faction as it sounds similar to "Lee Ka-chiu," stepped down from his position as Secretary for Security in Hong Kong to run for the chief executive spot.

Lam announced earlier this month that she would not seek re-election for the closest position Hong Kong has to a head of state after a single term marred by mass protests, severe COVID restrictions, and the largest population decrease experienced in the SAR for 60 years.

Like Lee, Lam was also sanctioned in August 2020 by the United States Department of the Treasury at the direction of Donald Trump for undermining Hong Kong's autonomy. The 11 people listed in the sanctions saw any assets in the US blocked and their financial transactions in the US criminalized.

According to a statement from the US Department of Treasury, Lee was sanctioned for "being involved in coercing, arresting, detaining, or imprisoning individuals under the authority of the National Security Law, as well as being involved in its development, adoption, or implementation."

The document noted that Lee, a former police officer, introduced a new police unit dedicated to enforcing the Hong Kong National Security Law, inclusive of intelligence gathering and investigation capabilities. Those capabilities were used to crack down on pro-democracy protesters.

According to the US Department of the Treasury, Lam received her sanctions for "for implementing Beijing's policies of suppression of freedom and democratic processes."
 
Taiwan is in the process of standing up between 20 to 25 squadrons in its navy to operate three types of anti-ship missiles. Media reports in Taiwan say these units will be equipped with Hsiung Feng II, Hsiung Feng III, extended-range Hsiung Feng III, and Harpoon missiles in the future. To support these units, new facilities such as ammunition depots, a driver training center, a maintenance center, and garages, will be built over the next few years.
 
Taiwan is not Ukraine. It is, rather, in a far more vulnerable position. No matter what other idea guides the defense of the island republic, air superiority will be critical. Washington and Taipei must prepare now to ensure this air superiority. And while discussion of a Ukrainian no-fly zone has given a wide berth to military reality, planning for Taiwan’s air defense must be grounded in hard truth.

Proportionally, Taiwanese airspace is much more difficult to defend than that of Ukraine. While Russia must deploy combat power across a 1,400-mile border, China could concentrate tactical air forces in a much smaller area in assaulting Taiwan.

One could not, by the way, defend just half of Taiwan from Chinese aerial attack. The country is too small, and the Taiwanese population lives on the island’s western side. There is no “humanitarian corridor” one could create over eastern Taiwan. A Taiwanese no-fly zone is, in effect, an air exclusion zone over Taiwan – that is, a combat action, whether or not the U.S. declares it as such.

One could not even defend only Taiwanese airspace. Taiwan is an island, separated by thousands of miles of open ocean from U.S. bases. Its most reasonable supply routes would run through the Philippine Sea, south along the Ryukyus, or north from Luzon. Each area is beyond its territory and its Exclusive Economic Zone. Thus, the supply and logistical aspect of a Taiwanese no-fly zone would mean defending territory beyond Taiwan.

Given these operational, strategic, and geographic realities, four steps are necessary to win the air war over Taiwan.

First, the U.S. must ensure its naval and aerial superiority in the Ryukyu archipelago, between Luzon and Taiwan, and in the Philippine Sea. China should be expected to bracket Taiwan from the east and west, likely with an aircraft carrier strike group on one side and a ground-based air surge on the other. (China’s violations of Taiwan’s airspace over the past 18 months can be taken as practice for the latter.) The Ryukyus are a reasonable defensive line in the north. The archipelago can be turned into an anti-air nest, packed with forward-deployed U.S. Marines and Air Defense Artillery.

The Luzon Strait is harder to defend and would likely require forward-deployed tactical aviation. Most important, however, is the Philippine Sea supply route, as China almost certainly will push submarines into the Philippine Sea and out into the western Pacific. The U.S. should create an anti-submarine dragnet with surface ships and other assets, defended by a constant fighter screen. Each service can play a clear role in this system: the Army in the Ryukyus, the Air Force in the Luzon Strait, and the Navy in the Philippines.

Second, an integrated air defense network is needed to protect Taiwan from Chinese missile bombardment. China’s missile arsenal is simply too large to blunt with a traditional air defense system. Integration would allow for better tracking and target prioritization and enable far more effective layering. If fighter and radar picket data can be fused with air defenses, Taiwan can extend the engagement range of its older ground-based systems like its Patriot surface-to-air missiles, or PAC-2s. American interceptors can help, but given the scale of the operational problem, bolstering Taiwan’s missile defenses to ensure they survive an opening bombardment makes more sense.

Third, the U.S. must obtain more tanker aircraft. A no-fly zone would require air combat over Taiwan and near the Taiwan Strait—that is, extremely close to Chinese territory. U.S. air bases are too far away and the current tanker fleet is too small to provide the refueling that will ensure consistent fighter coverage over Taiwan and in the Luzon and Miyako Straits

Fourth, the U.S. must begin the fight with a significant numerical advantage, or risk being out-concentrated over time. Once again, China can focus a greater volume of aircraft against Taiwan than Russia could against Ukraine, even in the latter’s eastern region. Air combat is a numerical exercise: between forces of equivalent training and comparable equipment, quantity provides a decisive advantage that improves with scale. Chinese aircraft can refuel and rearm at bases far closer to the combat zone than their American counterparts.

Unless the U.S. is willing to strike the Chinese mainland—an option that policymakers should consider despite their political aversion to it—the U.S. must expand its tactical air fleet. Maintaining superiority over Taiwan will require 30 or more fighter squadrons, considering the aircraft the PLA can deploy rapidly from the Eastern and Central Theater Commands to the Taiwan Strait. It may require more if the PLA executes a larger buildup. Taiwan has 17 squadrons. Assuming reasonably effective missile defenses, perhaps 12 will still fly after the first wave of Chinese missiles arrives. This creates an 18-squadron gap between Taiwan and China that the U.S. would need to fill. Two American carrier air wings would provide eight squadrons, while an Expeditionary Strike Group could provide another squadron.

The remaining nine would come from ground-based aviation. Available Japanese-based Air Force tactical aviation could provide four fighter squadrons, and ground-based USMC aviation two. Thus, the U.S. would need to deploy to Japan at least three additional fighter squadrons and likely more, depending upon the state of Taiwanese air defenses.

Winning the air war over Taiwan would be the central immediate concern during a cross-strait conflict. The U.S. must prepare to fight and win this conflict. It should be prepared to say publicly and in advance of any hostilities that winning a conflict over Taiwan is the U.S. objective and that as part of this the U.S. will enforce a no-fly-zone over Taiwan.

Had we taken more seriously Mr. Putin’s attacks on such other Black Sea targets as Georgia and Crimea and acted with greater resolve years ago to help Ukraine defend itself, war might have been averted. Xi Jinping and his predecessors’ declared intent to subdue Taiwan—if needed, by force—is clear as blue skies. Those skies must be defended over Taiwan if the U.S. is to remain the Pacific’s pre-eminent power and our friends and allies in the region are to continue casting their lot with us.
 
One of the most senior US officials in the Pacific has refused to rule out military action against Solomon Islands if it were to allow China to establish a military base there, saying that the security deal between the countries presented “potential regional security implications” for the US and other allies.

Ambassador Daniel Kritenbrink, assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, was part of a high-level US delegation to the Pacific country last week.

He said the US team, which also included the National Security Council coordinator for Indo-Pacific affairs, Kurt Campbell, had a 90-minute “constructive and candid” meeting with prime minister Manasseh Sogavare in which the US team detailed concerns about its recently signed security deal with China.
On Tuesday, Kritenbrink reiterated the US’s willingness to act in the region if a military base were established by China.

“Of course, we have respect for the Solomon Islands sovereignty, but we also wanted to let them know that if steps were taken to establish a de facto permanent military presence, power projection capabilities, or a military installation, then we would have significant concerns, and we would very naturally respond to those concerns,” he said.
The text of the security deal which was signed by China and Solomon Islands is secret, though Solomon Islands MPs have called for the prime minister to release it publicly.

“I think it’s clear that only a handful of people in a very small circle have seen this agreement. And the prime minister himself has been quoted publicly as saying he would only share the details with China’s permission, which I think is a source of concern as well,” said Kritenbrink.

However, a draft of the deal was leaked on social media last month and contained provisions permitting China to “make ship visits to, carry out logistical replenishment in, and have stopover and transition in Solomon Islands”.

Kritenbrink said that “the United States of America is not in the business of asking countries to choose between the United States and China or anyone else”. But that it is interested in promoting “a proactive vision for again the shared interests and principles that we believe are vital to all of our friends across the region”.
 
Free media in Hong Kong has been almost completely dismantled by the government crackdown, clearing the market for an expanded pro-Beijing and state-owned media sector, a new report has said.

The report, by UK-based advocacy group Hong Kong Watch, came shortly after Hong Kong’s Foreign Correspondent’s Club announced it was suspending its Human Rights Press Awards because it did not want to unintentionally violate the city’s wide-ranging national security law imposed in 2020 by Beijing.

The working environment for local and foreign journalists in Hong Kong has become increasingly difficult, the report said, detailing the widespread use of “lawfare” against journalists – including with the national security law – acts of intimidation and police violence, mass sackings, and government intervention or censorship of outlets. It noted the redefinition by police of who constituted a journalist, the pending introduction of a fake news law, and the criminalising of traditional research methods.

Since the 2019 pro-democracy protests, a crackdown has seen the closure of Apple Daily, Stand News and others. Sources and citizens now fear retribution or legal consequences for speaking to journalists. A government intervention into RTHK has stripped the public broadcaster of its former editorial independence, and a chilling effect has spread across remaining media, with some engaging in alarming self-censorship.

In one example, Chris Wong – a former news presenter with the TVB broadcaster – described to Hong Kong Watch his attempts to report on the November 2019 attack on pro-democracy councillor Andrew Chiu, whose ear was bitten off. The attack was evidenced by clear photographs and video, the report noted.

“The script that the editor provided said that Mr Chiu’s ear fell off naturally, somehow,” Wong said. “Nobody did anything, it was not a bite, and the ear just fell to the floor. The editors did not want to cover violence by pro-Beijing ‘blue’ supporters.”

Wong also said they were ordered to call protesters “black shirts” and to not cover their press conferences, while running those by the police in full.

“Unfortunately, TVB damaged the reputation of its journalists, and because of TVB’s reputation, all former employees are living and working under a lot of public criticism.”

The report also detailed multiple acts of police violence against journalists during the protests, including some which appeared targeted.

“We were sitting on the ground, and we had taken off our gear, our masks and helmets and other protective gear,” a South China Morning Post photojournalist said of covering one protest. “The police came and sprayed teargas directly at us. The hatred that the police showed against the media was shocking.”

The silencing and intimidation of Hong Kong’s media scene had been helped by pro-Beijing outlets which now benefited from the reduced industry, the report suggested.

“In the absence of pro-democracy media, it is worth pausing here to consider the implications of the erosion of press freedom and how it creates further space for the pro-Beijing media,” the report said, accusing the outlets of “providing propaganda for the Chinese Communist party regime and the Hong Kong government, and threatening their critics, both in print and through various forms of harassment.”

“I think we have seen an emboldening of them,” said Hong Kong Watch director, Benedict Rogers, noting recent moves by Ta Kung Pao to devote entire pages to attacking the church, church-run schools, Hong Kong Cardinal Joseph Zen, and Hong Kong Watch.

“That struck me as a kind of escalation and emboldening. They’ve always from time to time gone after people like me and people in Hong Kong but I’ve never seen full page spreads.”
The report also noted the claims of former Stand News editor and chair of the Hong Kong Journalists Association, Ronson Chan, that he was tailed by a Ta Kung Pao reporter before the paper published a front page story accusing him of visiting a sex worker. In March 2020 Ta Kung Pao published a list of artists and arts organisations it said were linked to anti-government activists, including the artist Kacey Wong who later fled to Taiwan.

The report also accused the papers of publishing “propaganda” including descriptions of the 2021 vote for the legislative council, as “the most successful since handover” despite a historically low voter turnout of about 30%.

The general public for now can still get news from remaining free media and international outlets, Rogers said, “but in terms of Chinese language local media they really have a much much narrower choice and the danger then is they’re getting info filtered through the lens of Beijing’s propaganda.”

In the report Hong Kong Watch called for international governments to offer pathways and assistance to fleeing Hong Kong journalists who want to emigrate, and to continue Cantonese language media from overseas. It also called for governments to use Magnitsky-style sanctions and other forms of pressure to encourage the Hong Kong government to restore media freedoms.

“The international community must not allow those responsible for these violations to get away with impunity and without consequence,” it said.
 
A United Nations team is in China ahead of a visit to Xinjiang, in preparation for the human rights commissioner’s long sought inspection expected next month.

The delegation was quarantining in Guangzhou, the South China Morning Post reported, before heading to Xinjiang. The five-member team was there “at the invitation of the [Chinese] government” said Liz Throssell, UN human rights spokesperson, the Post reported.

The UN office of the human rights commissioner (OHRC) has been negotiating with the Chinese government since 2018 seeking to visit Xinjiang with “unfettered, meaningful access” and the freedom to interview civil society groups without supervision.
 
Taiwan's military on Wednesday said it was learning lessons from Russia's war against Ukraine as it unveiled plans for its annual military exercise that simulates defending the island from Chinese attacks.

The island's 23 million people live under constant threat of an invasion by China, which views the self-ruled democratic island as part of its territory to be re-taken one day, by force if necessary.

Russia's brutal but stumbling invasion of Ukraine has heightened fears Beijing might similarly one day follow through on threats to annex its smaller neighbour.

As the military announced a July date for its "Han Kuang" (Han Glory) wargames, commanders made clear the conflict in Ukraine would factor into the exercises.

"The defence ministry is closely monitoring, researching and analysing regarding the war between Russia and Ukraine as well as the Communist military's movements," Major-General Lin Wen-huang told reporters, referring to the mainland Chinese army.

"We will take reference of the lessons from the Russian-Ukrainian war to continue to improve our capabilities in asymmetric warfare, cognitive warfare, electronic warfare and the reserve force," added Lin, head of a military division on joint operations.

"Han Kuang" will be divided into a tabletop exercise next month simulating "all possible actions (China) could take to invade Taiwan" and a five-day drill in July, according to the defence ministry.

One of its objectives is to bolster capabilities to attack the enemy at sea, with naval vessels, warplanes, troops and the coastguard staging a live-fire "joint interception operation".
 
A key adviser to the premier of the most populous province in Solomon Islands has expressed concern that the China-Solomons security deal could enable the prime minister, Manasseh Sogavare, to use Chinese armed police and military personnel to quash democratic dissent and hold on to power for years to come.

Celsus Irokwato Talifilu, who is an adviser to Daniel Suidani, the premier of Malaita province, said that while it was “fair” that Australia, the US and other regional partners had focused their attention on the prospect of a military base on the islands, the major fear for many in Solomon Islands was the erosion of democracy.

“My main fear is [Chinese military or police personnel] put [Sogavare] in power for a long time,” he said. “People say we are a democratic country, of course it is. But when you have a force bigger than anyone else in the Solomons, it will be easy for him to use that force to support him and his ministers or those who are in government to ensure they come back at the next elections.”

The comments came as Australia’s spy chief said Canberra was concerned Chinese police deployed to Solomon Islands under a new security pact could use “ruthless” techniques previously used to quell anti-government protests in Hong Kong.
 
In a speech at Mansion House in London on Wednesday, Liz Truss renewed calls to boost Nato in the wake of the Ukraine war. Truss also delivered a direct warning to China. “Countries must play by the rules. And that includes China,” she said.

On Thursday, Wang Wenbin, a spokesman for China’s ministry of foreign affairs, dismissed Truss’s comments and accused Nato of demanding other countries abide by basic norms while it has “wantonly waged wars and dropped bombs in sovereign states, killing and displacing innocent civilians”.

“Nato, a military organisation in the North Atlantic, has in recent years come to the Asia-Pacific region to throw its weight around and stir up conflicts,” Wang said.

“Nato has messed up Europe. Is it now trying to mess up the Asia-Pacific and even the world?”
 
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