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Survey vessels have become important actors in China’s efforts to assert its maritime claims in the South China Sea. Since 2019, China has deployed survey ships four times in direct response to Southeast Asian oil and gas activity as part of widely reported standoffs. But China also conducts a significant number of surveys in the South China Sea that don’t make headlines. Automatic identification system (AIS) data on Chinese surveys from 2020 and 2021 demonstrates that China’s survey activities span the entire South China Sea and regularly occur in the exclusive economic zones (EEZs) of its Southeast Asian neighbors. Such surveys for marine scientific research or oil and gas exploration without permission are illegal under international law; those for purely military research are legal but run counter to China’s stated opposition to foreign military surveys within the EEZ.
The number and extent of surveys conducted underscores the rapid growth and development of China’s survey fleet, the largest and most active in the Indo-Pacific. It is impossible to determine what type of research these vessels were conducting based on AIS alone. These surveys did not follow the grid or “lawnmower” pattern typical of bathymetric and seismic surveys, as seen in three of the four surveys discussed above in retaliation for Southeast Asian oil and gas activity.

The purpose of a survey, whether commercial, scientific, or military, is important for determining its legality. The survey activities of ships flagged to other nations can usually be distinguished by the vessel’s operator. In the United States, for example, military surveys are done by the U.S. Navy, marine scientific research is conducted by universities or civilian organizations like the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, and commercial surveys are conducted by private companies. But the lack of such distinctions among China’s state-owned fleet makes it impossible to confidently identify the purpose of most surveys. China’s pursuit of civil-military integration makes it likely that data obtained by Chinese survey vessels is shared among scientific, military, and commercial entities.
 
In China, tightly controlled coverage of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has focused heavily on negotiations.

Beijing’s line has been to promote negotiations, as China tries to position itself further away from Russia than was portrayed in early February during a high-profile meeting between Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin.

As the Ukrainian delegation arrived at the Belarus border for a first round of talks with Russia on Monday, Chinese state media was quick to update and even livestream the proceedings. State media had pushed out reports of Xi’s call with Putin late on Friday that focused on the Russian leader’s willingness to negotiate.

When the war began on Thursday, China’s Foreign Ministry maintained its emphasis on negotiations. And while it said it China did not like what it was seeing, it refused to categorize the attack as an invasion.
While state news agency Xinhua has published visual reports about Ukrainian refugees, some carried by Communist Party newspaper the People’s Daily claimed to show the refugees arriving at the eastern border with Russia.

Xinhua has livestreamed from Kyiv occasionally, mostly on the lives of local residents amid “conflict.”
Chinese Minister Wang Yi said in a call Tuesday with Ukrainian Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba that China is “deeply grieved” to see the conflict, according to an official English-language statement from China’s foreign ministry. Local media pushed out the Chinese version of the readout, which also said the call focused on the evacuation of Chinese citizens.
State-run financial media has discussed the war’s impact on commodity prices and markets.
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine coincided with the commemoration of the 50th anniversary of U.S. President Richard Nixon’s trip to China and a thaw in U.S. relations with Beijing.

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang has emphasized the importance of the U.S.-China relationship and the need to promote cooperation and a return to a “right” track, according to comments carried by Chinese state media.

However, China’s foreign ministry spokespeople have blamed the U.S. for exacerbating Russia-Ukraine tensions, and state media’s daily evening news broadcast has cast the U.S. as failing to handle the pandemic and maintain stability in the Middle East.

During a press conference Tuesday, the Chinese Ministry of Commerce did not take a single question from reporters about trade with Russia, Ukraine or the United States.
 
Italy plans to set aside more than $4.6 billion until 2030 to boost domestic chip manufacturing as it seeks to attract more investment from tech companies such as Intel, a draft decree seen by Reuters showed on Tuesday. The government is trying to persuade the U.S. group to spend billions of euros on an advanced chipmaking plant in Italy that uses innovative technologies to weave full chips.

Rome is ready to offer Intel public money and other favorable terms to fund part of the overall investment, which is expected to be worth around $9 billion over 10 years, Reuters reported in December. To boost domestic chipmaking, Italy is also in talks with French-Italian STMicroelectronics , Taiwanese-controlled MEMC Electronic Materials Inc and Israeli Tower Semiconductor, which is set to be bought by Intel. Negotiations with Intel are complex as the U.S. group has tabled very tough demands, a government source involved in the talks told Reuters.

As part of an 8 billion euro package to support the economy and curb surging energy bills, Italy plans to allocate 150 million euros in 2022 and 500 million euros per year from 2023 until 2030, the decree showed. The Italian government will promote "research and development of microprocessor technology and investments in new industrial applications of innovative technologies," the legislation added. Rome aims to use the funding also to convert existing industrial sites and favor the construction of new plants in Italy.

Intel's doing a European version of Amazon HQ2: enticing governments to pledge more and more funds to subsidize the construction of chip mega-plants along with ever-growing packages of benefits.

Recent reports have placed Germany and Italy as potential spots for new Intel super-fabs. Italy is now reportedly establishing a $4.6bn fund to lure Intel and its chipmaking to the nation.

The EU has noted that the continent doesn't have an advanced chip manufacturing industry like that of Asia or the US. Meanwhile, Intel has said it is looking to establish leading-edge fabs in Europe with investments potentially reaching €80bn.

Germany has an advanced economy with high-skilled labor, and companies such as GlobalFoundries already have manufacturing operations in Dresden. Italy, meanwhile, to some may not be a natural choice to establish a semiconductor fab, yet Intel is in the midst of a $5.4bn acquisition of Tower Semiconductor, which has factories in Italy, America, and Japan.

Tower's Italy facility is near Milan, where ST Microelectronics is also establishing a factory to make chips for applications such as power management. The STM fab is expected to start production this year.
 
Viimeksi muokattu:
Major cities across Taiwan including the capital Taipei have seen widespread power failures after a reported accident at a power plant.

The nation's economic affairs minister, Wang Meihua, said an accident had occurred at a power plant in southern Taiwan, according to a report by state-linked Central News Agency.

The ministry would deal with the matter "urgently", she added.

The outage affected some five million households in Taiwan, she said.

State-run power operator Taipower said there had been an incident with a transformer at the Xingda power plant in the southern city of Kaohsiung, and that they were activating backup sources of power.

The power plant reportedly provides around a seventh of Taiwan's power.

Taiwan-based TSMC, the world's largest contract chip maker, said a number of its plants had experienced short "power dips". It added that it was checking if there was any "actual impact", said a Reuters report.

At a press conference on Thursday, Ms Wang apologised for the outage, adding that the northern parts of the island would have their power back by noon and that power would start being restored in the southern parts from midday.

Taiwan's President Tsai Ing-wen was set to meet the US ex-Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. She said in a Facebook post that a scheduled livestream of her chat with Mr Pompeo had to be temporarily cancelled as a result.

Local media outlet Taiwan News had earlier on Thursday reported chaotic scenes at road junctions as traffic lights failed to function.

Traffic police had been dispatched to direct vehicles and fire trucks deployed across cities to deal with emergencies such as rescuing people trapped in lifts, the news outlet reported.

The island does occasionally experience large power outages. In 2017, a massive blackout hit half of Taiwan, affecting 6.68 million households.

Sattumaa?
 
The F-35C Lightning II, assigned to Carrier Air Wing (CVW) 2, crashed while USS Carl Vinson (CVN 70) was conducting routine flight operations in the South China Sea on Jan. 24.

The wreckage was recovered from a depth of approximately 12,400-feet by a team from CTF 75 and the NAVSEA’s Supervisor of Salvage and Diving (SUPSALV) embarked on the diving support construction vessel (DSCV) Picasso.

“The task force’s expertise in rapid, scalable command, control, and communications, agile logistics, organic security, and explosive ordnance disposal was the most flexible choice for the fleet commander to respond in a timely manner,” said CTF 75 Commodore, Capt. Gareth Healy.

“Ultimately, this deliberate approach resulted in the correct capabilities conducting recovery operations within 37 days of the incident. Given the unique challenges of this problem and the unique technical capabilities that NAVSEA delivered, this was an aggressive and achievable timeline.”

The aircraft was recovered using a CURV-21, a remotely operated vehicle (ROV), which attached specialized rigging and lift lines to the aircraft. The ship’s crane lifting hook was then lowered to the seafloor and connected to the rigging, and then lifted the aircraft to the surface and hoisted it onboard Picasso.
 
Kiinalla saattaa olla tuossa hieman enemmänkin mielessä. Jos nimittäin ryssä menee konkkaan taas kerran, niin kiinalla saattaa olla tilaisuus kaapata osan Siperiaa itselleen.

Ei siellä tarvitse mitään kaapata. Riittää että menee ison rahatukun kanssa ostelemaan prosentteja eri yhtiöistä.

Tilanteen rauhoituttua bisnekset rullaa.
 
Minkä takia hyökätä ydinasevaltaan jos hyvillä hinnoilla saa ostettua osinkoja kyseisen ydinasevallan yhtiöistä ja maatiloista?

Jos se on erityisen heikko ja kykenemätön puolustautumaan, niin miksi ei tehdä molemmat? Ei kai kiina koko venäjää olisi valtaamassa?
 
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China has set its lowest annual GDP target in decades, as premier Li Keqiang warned of a “grave and uncertain” outlook against the backdrop of the coronavirus, a slowing economy and the war in Ukraine.

Li announced on Saturday the unusually modest target of about 5.5% growth for 2022 – the lowest since 1991 – in an address to about 3,000 members of the National People’s Congress in Beijing’s cavernous Great Hall of the People.

Li said the world’s second largest economy “will encounter many more risks and challenges, and we must keep pushing to overcome them”. He did not mention the ongoing war in Ukraine and its implications for the global economy.
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/mar/01/china-mediate-ukraine-russia-war
China’s economy is a key driver of global growth and crucial domestically for the ruling Communist party. Last year it reported an 8.1% rebound.

Yet the party is deeply concerned over social instability in its huge population should economic growth dip too low. Economic stability must be a “top priority”, Li added.
 
“Artillery fire lights up the sky and breaks my heart. I hope my compatriots in Ukraine are taking care of themselves and their families,” said a user on Weibo, often called China’s Twitter, on February 27. The message was quickly blocked, according to Free Weibo, a service of Great Fire, which tracks Chinese censorship online.

Two days later, a very different message appeared on Weibo: “I support fighting! America and Taiwan have gone too far.” That, too, was blocked, according to Free Weibo.

The messages—and their quick disappearance—show how Chinese social media platforms find themselves in the crosshairs of the Russia-Ukraine war. The platforms must be sure to toe the official line amid subtle shifts in China’s position. Their responses could be an early test of new rules governing how companies use algorithms, which may make them responsible for trending topics and fake news appearing on their sites.

In general, Chinese online platforms receive daily guidance from the government about what sort of content to remove, says Yuqi Na, a researcher in media and communications at the University of Westminster.

A hint of how that works emerged in the days leading up to the invasion. On February 22, a Chinese outlet called Horizon News briefly posted, probably by accident, what appear to be internal instructions for how to spin the Ukraine crisis on its official Weibo account. Among the supposed rules: “Do not post anything unfavorable to Russia or pro-Western.”
 
A temporary bridge linking Shenzhen and Hong Kong has been erected to help workers and materials from the mainland to enter the city as work began on a Covid-19 makeshift hospital to relieve pressure on the city’s overwhelmed medical system.

Almost 2,000 Chinese contractors from the China State Construction Engineering are in Hong Kong this week to build the makeshift facility near Hong Kong’s border with the mainland, which is expected to provide 1,000 more hospital beds and quarantine rooms for up to 10,000 people.
 
An adviser to the Chinese government has called for new laws to ban “fabricating and disseminating fake information online”, blaming the rampant disinformation on the internet for polarising Chinese public opinion.

Jia Qingguo, a member of China’s highest political advisory body, said he also believed the proliferation of misinformation online had fuelled tensions between China and foreign countries.

“For example, there are often people online who, for some purpose, package a foreigner’s vicious remarks against China as the view of everyone in that country towards China in order to incite the Chinese people’s dissatisfaction and hostility towards said country and its people,” Jia said in an interview on Saturday with online news portal The Cover, which is affiliated with the state-owned Sichuan Daily.
Some also worry that, if not properly implemented, such a law could have a profound impact on journalistic activities in China by both domestic and foreign news outlets, given Beijing’s track record in press freedom. In the last few years, for example, China has called reports of human rights abuses in Xinjiang “fake news” or “lie of the century”.

“China has so many laws and policies restricting freedom of expression that this sort of proposal seems completely superfluous,” William Nee, research and advocacy coordinator at Chinese Human Rights Defenders, said.

Critics say that misinformation that supports Beijing’s narrative, such as conspiracy theories against the US, reaches millions of people each day on Chinese social media platforms. In the last few weeks, Chinese social media has been overwhelmed with misinformation about Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, which China’s state media call “special military operations”.

Jia warned that when people could not differentiate truthful information from disinformation, polarisation would intensify in society, and extreme views amplified. This, he said, could lead to an increase in opposing emotions and reflected in the phenomena of anti-officials, anti-wealth and anti-elites.

Jia also said that fake information could lead to hostility towards foreigners. His warning came as public opinion in China towards foreign reporters has become increasingly antagonistic as tension between Beijing and the west grows. Foreign journalists in China have reported an increasingly hostile work environment since Beijing expelled more than 20 American journalists in 2021.
 
The United Kingdom’s 2014 “National Strategy for Maritime Security” (NSMS) defines maritime security as “the advancement and protection of the UK’s national interests, at home and abroad, through the active management of risks and opportunities in and from the maritime domain, in order to strengthen and extend the UK’s prosperity, security and resilience and to help shape a stable world”.[1]

The United Kingdom is currently refreshing the NSMS, with an updated document anticipated before the latter half of 2022 that is expected to change the definition. However, the refined definition is unlikely to change how the United Kingdom conceptualizes maritime security. Continuity is expected due to the breadth and coherence of the above definition. Consensus around the current term remains persistent as has been demonstrated in 2019’s “Maritime 2050”[2] and 2021’s “The Integrated Review of Security, Defence, Development and Foreign Policy” (IR).[3] In these, references to maritime security are linked to a broad array of issue areas and interests, including ocean resilience and prosperity, just as they are in the NSMS definition.

The EUMSS, which had been developed under the Greek Presidency of the Council, builds on the IMP process and the instruments that had been developed for the conduct of anti-piracy operations. It aims to better link them with the European Union’s Common Security and Defence Policy and the EU Global Strategy on Foreign and Security Policy. This integration works through the identification of the European Union and its member states’ strategic interests across the global maritime domain. That is, the EUMSS covers both the internal and external aspects of the Union’s maritime security. It is, thus, meant to contribute to “the full use of the growth potential in the maritime domain” in accordance with the principle of subsidiary, and aims to “foster mutual support between Member States and to allow for their joint security contingency planning, risk management, conflict prevention and crisis response management.”[7]

The EUMSS provides a political and strategic framework that aims to foster a shared unity of purpose and effort by all actors involved with maritime-related policies. It seeks to achieve this through improving cross-sectoral cooperation between and across civilian and military authorities. As such, it does not create new institutions. Neither does it reallocate competencies or responsibilities. Its principal function is the clarification of the principles and objectives, maritime security interests, the maritime security risks and threats to these interests, and to define the main areas of implementation.[8]

As with other EU strategies, the EUMSS has been implemented through a pertaining Action Plan. The first plan was issued in December 2014.[9] A revised version appeared in June 2018.[10] It is aimed at promoting international cooperation, maritime multilateralism, and the rule of law at sea.
 
tulossa ehkä netflixiin

A film on the pro-democracy protests that rocked Hong Kong in 2019 has broken a box office record in Taiwan for an overseas Chinese-language documentary within the first fortnight of its release.

Revolution of Our Times, directed by Hong Kong film-maker Kiwi Chow and which premiered at the Cannes film festival last year, has grossed around $17m NTD (US$600,000) as of Wednesday, the film’s distributor said.

Released in Taiwan on 25 February, the film has been screened at about 40 cinemas across Taiwan, with some patrons booking out entire cinemas to screen the film for free. It has even drawn the support of the president, Tsai Ing-wen.

“The Hong Kong people’s courage & commitment to democracy are an inspiration to us all, as we work to preserve our own freedoms & way of life,” Tsai tweeted on Wednesday.

The documentary chronicles the months of mass demonstrations in Hong Kong which saw millions take to the streets to march against a proposed extradition law that many feared would have exposed Hongkongers to China’s opaque legal system.
 
Sometimes, quantity is quality in itself. Quantification may convincingly indicate progress, especially before the prying eyes of one’s political leaders and the taxpayers to whom defense and military establishments must be held accountable. Great is thus the temptation to reduce naval modernization plans to a mere bean-counting exercise. Otherwise methodical and programmatic arms procurement plans quickly become numerical sound bites for ready consumption by the media and the general public.

Such is the context when Indonesian defense minister Prabowo Subianto in January claimed “that in 24 months we will have up to 50 warships.” His figure raised the eyebrows of many domestic and foreign observers alike. To the scrupulous, there is more to Prabowo’s claim than meets the eye. Scrutinizing Prabowo’s figure behind and beyond its numerical value becomes an imperative: what did he mean by “50 warships”? Why did he designate the year 2024 as the end timeframe? Did the figure include the warships already in operational service? Finally, do these warships include all types of naval vessels or just the major combatants, i.e. frigates, corvettes, and submarines?
 
The ever-shrinking features of transistors etched in silicon have always required pushing the cutting edge of manufacturing technology. The discovery of atomically thin materials like graphene and carbon nanotubes, however, raised the prospect of replacing our manufacturing needs with the natural properties of these materials. There's no need to etch a 1 nanometer feature into silicon if you could simply use a carbon nanotube that's 1 nanometer wide.

And there have been some notable successes, such as a 1 nanometer gate made of a single carbon nanotube. But the work often involves a difficult process of getting the atomically thin materials in the right place to create a functional device. And the rest of the hardware is typically made of bulkier materials that are borrowed from more traditional transistor design.

A new paper released this week, however, describes a record-setting design that has the smallest transistor gate length yet reported. The record was set by the edge of a graphene sheet, meaning the gate is only a single carbon atom across. And, by using a second atomically thin material for a key component (plus a clever arrangements of parts), the team behind the design has made sure that the whole transistor is easy to make and relatively compact.

hiili nanotuubi ohittaa normi piin ja pystyy 1nm leveyteen. Ehkä suomalainen tehdas on mahdollinen kun tämä on huipputekniikkaa. Myös osittainen ulospääsy konfliktista ja komponentti ongelmasta.
 
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