Isku Iraniin

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Ilmapommituksilla vallanvaihto diktatuurissa? Sekö olisi Usan tavoite osallistua sotaan? Kuulostaa jotenkin omituiselta, ellei siellä sitten kansa ole sen verran lähtökuopissa ja kansalla myös viranomaisten ja armeijan tuki. Vallankumouskaartistakin olisi hyvä osan kääntää takkia vaan miten mahtaa olla. Kaarti on iranissa vahva, samoin uskonnollinen poliisi. Ylipäätänsä islamisteilla on valta, aseet ja virastot. Ilmapommituksilla ei yleensä saada vallanvaihtoa aikaan. Ehkä verinen sisällisisota kuitenkin. Mutta kerta se on ensimmäinenkin. Voihan se olla, että se romahtaa kuin korttitalo. Varmaa on että Usan Haukat ovat into piukeena menossa, mutta maajoukot se saattaisi tarvita ja siihen ei koalitiota helposti synny.
Tiedä sitten vaikka suomipoikakin olisi tuolla joku päivä rauhaa turvaamassa.
Noo, pohjoisessa Azerit on valmiita "turvaamaan" Iranin puolella asuvat heimoveljensä. (Jotka eivät ole koskaan olleet kovin innostuneita ajatuksesta, Iranin puolen azereista suuri osa on hyvin mukana Iranin yhteiskunnassa eikä ole kiinnostunut Status Quon isosta horjuttamisesta.)
 
Iran on osunut sairaalaan eteläisessä Israelissa. Tietoa ei ole, onko kyseessä vahinko vai tarkoituksella maalitettu, mutta sairaala-alue kaikkine toimintoineen on googlesta mitattuna noin 500m kanttiinsa eli sopivan kokoinen Iranin ballististen arvioidun CEPin suhteen.

31.25839432059167, 34.801822368649404

Tässä kirjoitetaan että maaliskuun 2024 ohjusiskujen perusteella on laskettu että CEP olisi noin 1,2 km:

@sam_lair and I estimated the "circular error probable" (CEP) of the most accurate Shahab-3 variant, the Emad, demonstrated in Iran's March 2024 missile strike.

We estimated the CEP at ~1.2 km.

That means whatever a Shahab-3 hits, Iran was most likely aiming at something else.



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Olen nähnyt arvauksia että kohteena olisi ollut yleisesti Tel Avivin taloudellinen keskus. JOS ohjusten CEP on tosiaan noin 1 km tai edes tuo 500m niin osuminen yhteen tiettyyn rakennukseen on tuurista kiinni.

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MUOKKAUS: Iranin mediassa on tämän mukaan ollut väitteitä että kohde olisi ollut 1,5 km etäisyydellä sairaalasta sijaitseva "kybertoimintakeskus", toki tiedäpä näistä medioiden väitteistä:

PS: According to Iranian media, the target was a cyber action center (IDF C4I) located on a campus about 1.5 km from Sokora Hospital.

Whether it was a failure due to inaccuracy or a deliberate strike, it is not glorious for the Iranian armed forces...


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IDF on jakanut tietoa ilmatankkausten määrästä, melko suoritus kyseessä kun huomioidaan heidän rajallinen ilmatankkauskapasiteettinsa
Olisikohan liittolaiset tässä jeesanneet? Ainakin UK tankkeri vilahteli Israelin itäpuolella joku päivä sitten Flightradarissa.

Jos eivät suoraan tankanneet pommittajia, niin onko esimerkiksi Israelin tankkereiden täyttäminen ilmassa vaihtoehto, jolla mahdollisesti säästetty aikaa? Se ehkä edustaisi myös vähemmän suoraa osallistumista iskuihin jonkin (kieltämättä hataran) logiikan mukaan.
 
Jaoin eilen tällaisen viestin jossa oli yhden twitter-tilin koostama kuvaaja Iranin ohjusiskuista: LÄHDE

Iranian missile fire over time: More frequent attacks, much smaller barrages.

via @LittleMoiz (you may wish to follow this guy for more visual data)


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Pari muuta kuvaajaa tuli vastaan, joten jaan ne tässä samassa viestissä.

Tässä ensimmäinen (HUOM: tässä on yksi datapiste enemmän kuin yllä olevassa kuvaajassa, se on 14/06/2025 5:10:54 - tosin laukaisumäärien perusteella yllä olevan kuvaajan 14/06 4:38 datapiste sisältänee myös tämän myöhemmän ajanhetken ohjusmäärän):

This graphic from @Doron_Kadosh, an Israeli Army Radio correspondent, supports some of what we @criticalthreats and @TheStudyofWar have been assessing: Iran may have suffered significant losses among its med-range ballistic missile launchers. More below.

It is possible (and not mutually exclusive with the above) that Iran is shooting smaller salvos to minimize the number of launchers Israeli aircraft can find and destroy.

Reminder: Iran fired at least a hundred missiles at once back in October 2024, and given the far more serious threat they now face (a threat to the regime itself), it is more likely that Iran is unable to fire large amounts of missiles rather than unwilling to do so.


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Tässä toinen:

Date should say to 18/06/2025. Corrected infographic below.

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HUOM: yksikään näistä ei sisällä tämän aamun ohjusiskua, jossa on mahdollisesti laukaistu 30 kpl ballistisia ohjuksia (odotellaan vielä että saadaan tarkempi, virallinen numero).

Toki kaikki nämä kuvaajat on koottu eri lähteistä saaduista numeroista, joten ei ole yllätys että olisi hieman hajontaa.

Sanoisin että tämä viimeisenä jakamani OSINT Intuit -nimisen tilin kuvaaja on "huonoin" koska siinä on merkitty ohjusmäärät "by salvo" eli hänen tulkintansa siitä, mitkä laukaisut kuuluvat osaksi samaa laajempaa kokonaisuutta. Parempi ja tarkempi tapa on eritellä jokainen laukaisu omaksi kokonaisuudekseen, kuten kahdessa muussa on tehty - tämä tietysti vaatii sen että on dataa tällä tarkkuudella.
 
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Nopeasti täällä on unohtunut miten Syyriassa Assadin hallinto kaatui. Ei siihen tarvittu mitään koalition maahan hyökkäämistä vaikka samantyyppinen väkivaltakoneisto siellä piti diktatuuria vallan kahvassa kiinni kuin Iranissa.
Kun kansa tai riittävän suuri osa siitä näkee aidon vaihtoehdon, syntyy vastarintaa jolloin riittää periaatteessa sen aseistaminen mikä ei liene Israel/USA ja muut Iranin naapurimaat huomioiden mikään ylitsepääsemätön ongelma.

Pommittaminen ja hallintokoneistoon kohdistuvat salamurhat eivät ole mitään sattumanvaraista sohimista vaan päämäärätietoista horjuttamista ja sotilaallisen suorituskyvyn heikentämistä sekä tilaisuuden avaamista jollekin taholle, joka haluaa nousta diktatuurin tilalle.

Mahdollisuudessa on jo se siemen, otollinen maa on muokattu vuosikymmenten sorrolla aivan kuten Syyriassa ja kun lumipallo lähtee liikkeelle niin kansa vaihtaa puolta muutamassa päivässä.
 
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Nopeasti täällä on unohtunut miten Syyriassa Assadin hallinto kaatui. Ei siihen tarvittu mitään koalition maahan hyökkäämistä vaikka samantyyppinen väkivaltakoneisto siellä piti diktatuuria vallan kahvassa kiinni kuin Iranissa.
Kun kansa tai riittävän suuri osa siitä näkee aidon vaihtoehdon, syntyy vastarintaa jolloin riittää periaatteessa sen aseistaminen mikä ei liene Israel/USA ja muut Iranin naapurimaat huomioiden mikään ylitsepääsemätön ongelma.

Pommittaminen ja hallintokoneistoon kohdistuvat salamurhat eivät ole mitään sattumanvaraista sohimista vaan päämäärätietoista horjuttamista ja sotilaallisen suorituskyvyn heikentymistä sekä tilaisuuden avaamista jollekin taholle, joka haluaa nousta diktatuurin tilalle.

Mahdollisuudessa on jo se siemen, otollinen maa on muokattu vuosikymmenten sorrolla aivan kuten Syyriassa ja kun lumipallo lähtee liikkeelle niin kansa vaihtaa puolta muutamassa päivässä.
En Irania juurikaan tunne mutta sanoisin että vertailu Syyriaan ei ole kovin osuva. Jälkimmäisessä kun oli lähtökohtaisesti uskonnollisesti ja "heimollisesti" heterogeeninen väestö, jota Assadin edustama vähemmistö piti rautaisessa diktatuurissa sisällisotaan asti. Minkä jälkeen vallalle olikin sitten aktiivisia halukkaita ottajia useampia.

Mikä taho Iranissa voisi nousta mullahien jälkeen valtaan väkivaltakoneiston ja kenties myös kansan "hyväksynnällä"? Sotilasvallankaappaus on kenties realistisin vaihtoehto. Se voisi saada kansan hyväksynnän melko helpostikin löysäämällä uskonnollista shittiä mutta pitämällä muuten tilanteen vakaana. Ja Israelin ja lännen suuntaan luopumalla ydinaseiden tavoittelusta.
 
En Irania juurikaan tunne mutta sanoisin että vertailu Syyriaan ei ole kovin osuva. Jälkimmäisessä kun oli lähtökohtaisesti uskonnollisesti ja "heimollisesti" heterogeeninen väestö, jota Assadin edustama vähemmistö piti rautaisessa diktatuurissa sisällisotaan asti. Minkä jälkeen vallalle olikin sitten aktiivisia halukkaita ottajia useampia.

Mikä taho Iranissa voisi nousta mullahien jälkeen valtaan väkivaltakoneiston ja kenties myös kansan "hyväksynnällä"? Sotilasvallankaappaus on kenties realistisin vaihtoehto. Se voisi saada kansan hyväksynnän melko helpostikin löysäämällä uskonnollista shittiä mutta pitämällä muuten tilanteen vakaana. Ja Israelin ja lännen suuntaan luopumalla ydinaseiden tavoittelusta.

ChatGTP antoi spoilerissa olevan vastauksen.

Vaihtoehtoja kuitenkin on olemassa ja yksikin riittää mikäli saa tarpeeksi massaa taakseen.

If a revolution occurs in Iran, several factions and parties—both inside and outside the country—could potentially vie for power. However, Iran's complex political, religious, and social structure means that no single group has an uncontested claim. Below are the most relevant and plausible contenders:


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1. Exiled Opposition Groups

These are among the most vocal and internationally visible forces but have limited organizational structure inside Iran.

a. Reza Pahlavi and Monarchists

Who: Son of the last Shah of Iran; symbolic figurehead for monarchist and secular nationalist Iranians.

Strengths: Some popular support among older Iranians and diaspora; well-known internationally.

Weaknesses: Lacks a structured party or military backing inside Iran; monarchism is divisive among Iranians.


b. National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) / MEK (Mojahedin-e-Khalq)

Who: Exiled group opposing the Islamic Republic since the 1980s.

Strengths: Well-organized, has external support (e.g., from some Western politicians).

Weaknesses: Highly controversial, with a cult-like structure and history of violence; widely unpopular inside Iran.



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2. Secular Democratic Forces (Domestic)

Who: Includes student movements, labor unions, feminist groups, and independent intellectuals.

Strengths: Strong moral authority and grassroots credibility, especially with younger generations.

Weaknesses: Lack of cohesive leadership or centralized organization; heavily repressed by the regime.


Examples:

Charter of the 14 activists (a group calling for democratic transition).

Feminist groups like those behind the "Woman, Life, Freedom" movement.



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3. Ethnic and Regional Movements

These include groups representing Kurds, Baloch, Arabs (Ahwazi), and Azeris.

Strengths: Strong localized support, particularly in border regions.

Weaknesses: Risk of fragmentation or accusations of separatism; less influence in central power structures.


Prominent groups:

Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan

Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (PDKI)

Jundallah (Sunni Baloch group, formerly active)

Various Arab and Azeri cultural movements



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4. Reformist Wing of the Current Regime

Who: Former government officials and clerics (e.g., Mohammad Khatami, Hassan Khomeini).

Strengths: Deep institutional knowledge; potential to attract moderate support.

Weaknesses: Increasingly discredited after decades of failed reform; seen by many as part of the system.



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5. Military or Technocratic Coup Faction

Who: Members of the IRGC (Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps) or senior bureaucrats.

Strengths: Direct control over military and security apparatus.

Weaknesses: Could be seen as a continuation of authoritarianism; internal rivalries are likely.



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Realistic Scenarios:

1. Power Vacuum + Coalition Government: Most likely outcome would be a transitional council combining reformists, secular democrats, and technocrats—possibly backed by international mediation.


2. IRGC-Dominated Transition: If regime collapses from internal dissent, the IRGC may take temporary control.


3. Diaspora-Led Symbolic Leadership: Figures like Reza Pahlavi might be brought in as ceremonial heads if the transition is externally influenced.




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Would you like a scenario analysis of what a post-revolution government might look like based on different power players?
 
Sivuhuomautuksena vielä se, että 15% israelilaisista on venäläistaustaisia, yhteensä toista miljoonaa. Saattaa sekin vaikuttaa johonkin.

Putlerin tehdessä tarjous rauhan välittäjäksi Iranin ja Israelin välillä on vain vaihtoehtoinen keino "turvata ryssien hyvinvointi vieraassa valtiossa".
Naapureilta se valtaa turva-alueita, Lähi-Idässä etenee kaverillisemmalla pohjalla. Varmaan Putler on kiinnostunut rakentamaan hyvät suhteet Israeliin yhdessä venäläis-juutalaisten kanssa. Kyllä toista miljoonaa olevalla väestöllä voi olla vaikuttavaa merkitystä.

Välityspalkkioksi yks tukikohta jonnekin seudulle ??

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Ilmeisesti Iranin internet-katkos on hieman pidempi (ei ole selvää, onko tämä Iranin vai Israelin tekosia):

Iran has been almost entirely offline for over 12 hours, reports Netblocks.

Authorities imposed a nationwide internet blackout, citing alleged “Israeli misuse” of the network for military purposes.

Connectivity remains severely disrupted.


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Maailman arvioidaan menevän kohti moninapaista rahajärjestelmää.verkkouutiset.fi/a/kaksi-ohjusta-kohteeseen-taalla-iran-aikoi-tuottaa-plutoniumia/#1844ec0b

Israel lähetti uusimpaan hyökkäysaaltoon 40 hävittäjää.

– Isku kohdistui plutoniumin tuotantoon tarkoitettuun komponenttiin, jotta reaktoria ei voitaisi palauttaa toimintakuntoon eikä hyödyntää ydinasekehityksessä, IDF:n tiedotteessa todetaan.

Tuorein hyökkäysaalto toteutettiin 40 hävittäjän voimalla. Arakin lisäksi kohteina oli asevoimien tukikohtia sekä ballististen ohjusten osia ja ilmapuolustusjärjestelmiä tuottavia tehtaita...
 

Iranilla arvioidaan olevan jäljellä yli tuhat ballistista ohjusta.

Israelin Arrow-torjuntaohjusten varoitetaan olevan vähissä viime perjantaista jatkuneiden yhteenottojen seurauksena. Yhdysvaltain hallintolähde sanoo Wall Street Journalille, ettei Israel välttämättä pysty enää torjumaan yhtä suurta osaa ballistista ohjuksista, jos konflikti pitkittyy.
 
Miten sionismi muka edisti antisemitismiä idässä
Siinä mielessä ainakin, että juutalaisvaltio on piikki lihassa islamilaiselle maailmalle. Ennen Israelin perustamista juutalaiset saivat elää muslimimaissa jokseenkin rauhassa, toki tietenkin alistettuina toisen luokan kansalaisina kuten muutkin vääräuskoiset. Myös Neuvostoliitto aktivoitui tuolloin antisemitismin suhteen, koska Stalinin hallinto alkoi epäillä juutalaisten tuntevan lojaalisuutta mieluummin Israelia kuin Neuvostolaa kohtaan.
 
Hyvin mielenkiintoista seurata, miten eri tilit kommentoivat Iranin ballistisia ohjuksia ja niiden tarkkuutta.

MUOKKAUS: tästä tuli pidempi viesti eikä aihe kiinnosta kaikkia joten laitan tekstin ja kuvat spoilerin taakse:

Lainasin aikaisemmassa viestissäni (LINKKI) Dr. Jeffrey Lewis (twitter-tilin bio = Professor at @MIIS, staff at @JamesMartinCNS & host of the @ACWpodcast. Member @theNASEM CISAC; former member @StateDept ISAB (2022-2025).) kommentin tiettyjen ohjusten tarkkuudesta:

@sam_lair and I estimated the "circular error probable" (CEP) of the most accurate Shahab-3 variant, the Emad, demonstrated in Iran's March 2024 missile strike.

We estimated the CEP at ~1.2 km.

That means whatever a Shahab-3 hits, Iran was most likely aiming at something else.

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Tobias Schneider (twitter-tilin bio = Peace & Security & Posts ∙ Research Fellow at @GPPi) kommentoi tätä tuoreinta sairaalaan osunutta iskua näin:

If you throw a Scud missile at a city, you have absolutely no idea where it's going to land. They didn't target the hospital in any meaningful sense of the word. They aimed it at *something* and then it randomly crashed within a kilometer or two of that point.

You can "condemn" it, but it probably would've had equal probability of hitting any military infrastructure within its CEP, and then it would've been a fantastic shot! Better to shake your head at the entire idea of launching these things at anything smaller than an airfield.

All that drone footage from the global war on terror has given everybody a deranged idea of how precise most air or missile strikes are. In real life, you mostly can't infer what was targeted from what was hit.


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Hän jatkoi toisessa ketjussa näin: LÄHDE

Ignoring for a second all the replies that are weirdly convinced Iranian missiles are super precise (I mean, c'mon - we have evidence!), many others seem to struggle with interpreting circular error probable (CEP). It's the radius from the aim point within which *half* of the projectiles are expected to fall.

The other half will fall outside that imaginary circle. And not just that, but they will fall according to a basic Gaussian model with a relatively long tail. Consider a CEP of 1,000 meters means more than 5% of missiles will crash outside a 2,000-meter radius of the target.

And finally, these numbers are all inferences based on observations. So the radius itself has an error bar attached to it that's a function of how many launches and impacts (in which you know the aim point) you have seen. And those sample sizes are generally small.


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C Schmitz -niminen twitter-tili kommentoi erityisesti tätä Schneiderin viestiä näin:

FACT CHECK:
Directly after the hit on the Soroka Medical Center, Berlin "Thinktank" GPPI attempts to spin this as "non intentional since Iranian missles are too inaccurate.

The typical Iranian Missles used right now have a CEP of about 30m, this is sufficient to hit a 100x100m target reliably.

The hospital is 450x500m.
This was highly likely intentional, a 90% hit probability would only require a significantly inferior CEP of 125m.

Personal note:
It is shocking to see how a supposed "western" think tank comes to Iranian Nuke-Mullah assistance just a few hours after they shot a hospital.


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ELI pohjimmiltaan tässä tullaan siihen, millaiseksi kukin kuvittelee Iranin ballististen ohjusten CEP-arvon. Fakta on myös se että internet on täynnä kaikenlaisia väitteitä, osa niistä ko. valtion propagandan tekemiseen valjastettuja. Osassa voi olla länsimaista aistiharhaa eli kuvitellaan vastapuoli itsemme peilikuvaksi, jolloin tietysti heidän asejärjestelmiensä suorituskyky on "yhtä hyvä kuin meidän, ellei jopa parempi".

CEP-arvo 30 metriä ei ole mikään supertarkka sekään, mutta riittää esim. 100m x 100m kokoiseen kohteeseen osumiseen kohtuu hyvällä todennäköisyydellä. Suuremmat arvot kuten 500m tai 1000m eivät riitä, vaan niillä osutaan laajoihin aluemaaleihin kuten kaupungit, lentokentät tms. mutta ei voida mennä takeeseen siitä, osutaanko mihinkään "tärkeään".

Tätä tulkinnan ongelmaa vaikeuttaa se että ei tiedetä, mihin pisteisiin ohjuksilla on tähdätty JA torjunnan läpi päässeiden ohjusten määrä on pieni (Luojan kiitos toki siitä), joten todennäköisyyslaskennan tekeminen on epäluotettavaa ja vaikeaa.

JOS oletetaan että jokainen ohjus olisi kohtuu tarkka eli CEP = 30m, niin silloin jokainen ehjänä torjunnasta läpi päässyt ohjus osuisi joko suoraan tai hyvin lähelle kohdettaan. Pitäisi tutkia jokainen tapaus yksi kerrallaan ja miettiä, pitääkö tämä paikkansa.

JOS taas oletetaan että jokainen ohjus olisi hyvin epätarkka eli CEP = 500-1000m (tai suurempi), niin silloin jokainen ehjänä torjunnasta läpi päässyt ohjus osuisi satunnaisesti eri kohteisiin. Joskus voidaan osua johonkin "tärkeään" mutta valtaosan ajasta osutaan mihin sattuu.

Twitterissä näkyy molempia mielipiteitä / arvioita. Ne jotka kommentoivat ohjusten olevan "suunnilleen yhtä tarkkoja kuin vanhat Scudit" syytetään vanhojen aikojen muistelusta koska "täytyyhän modernien ohjusten olla tarkempia, ainakin tarkkuuden mahdollistava teknologia on ollut olemassa jo vuosikymmenten ajan". Toisaalta ne jotka arvioivat ohjusten olevan "tarkkoja", eivät kykene selittämään, miksi torjunnan läpi päässeet ohjukset osuvat toisinaan "miten sattuu", esim. ne neljä Mossadin päämajan lähelle osunutta, joista yksikään ei osunut ko. rakennukseen.

Ongelmaa sotkee vielä se että todennäköisesti Iranilla on tarkempia ja epätarkempia ohjuksia arsenaalissaan. Teoriassa voisi kuvitella että jokaisesta ohjuksesta haluttaisiin tehdä "paras mahdollinen" jottei niitä tuhlattaisi "ei-tärkeisiin" kohteisiin, mutta maailma ei ole aina sellainen kuin mitä teoriassa voisi kuvitella. Onko Iranin pappisvalta priorisoinut määrää laadun sijasta? Miten suuri osa rahoista on sulanut korruptioon? Mitä on tilattu vs mitä on saatu? Onko edes kuviteltu että tällainen suursota, jossa todella tullaan koeponnistamaan heidän ohjustensa tarkkuus, olisi ollut näköpiirissä? Jos tiettyjen asejärjestelmien tarve koetaan epätodennäköiseksi, silloin ne ovat erinomainen kohde varastamiselle eli määrärahoista valtaosa valuu helposti "parempiin taskuihin".

Tätä samaa on nähty ryssän strategisten ohjusten ja dronejen käytössä. Ukraina sanoo että valtaosa niistä on osunut "ei-sotilaallisiin" kohteisiin. Miten tämä tulisi ymmärtää? JOS jokainen järjestelmä on "tarkka" niin silloin ryssä tietoisesti valitsee siviilikohteita maaleiksi. JOS taas järjestelmät ovat epätarkkoja, silloin ammutaan tietoisesti aluemaaleja (kaupunkeja) lopputuloksesta välittämättä. Ryssän tapauksessa helppo uskoa kumpikin selitys, siviilien tappaminen on aina oleellinen osa heidän sotiaan - enkä sano että Iran olisi tässä yhtään "parempi".

Todellista asejärjestelmän CEP-arvoa voidaan arvioida vasta kun on riittävä määrä dataa eli osumia tietyn kohteen seudulla - ja tällöinkin on saatettu asettaa eri koordinaatteja esim. risteilyohjusten tähtäyspisteiksi.

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MUOKKAUS: nähtävästi saksalaiset twitter-tilit kävivät tästä aiheesta lisää keskustelua yllä lainatun lisäksi.

Tobias Schneider selitti asiaa näin: LÄHDE

Double-digit CEP!

I beg you!


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The distribution of the 30+ impact holes is actually quite random, and even scattered in a circle around the center of the airbase.

Depending on how you weight the mean distances, you get a CEP of 1,200 meters or 1,600 at 90% probability.

Is this perfect?

No, but it is the best empirical evidence we have of the real-world performance of the Shahab-3 family (which is fundamentally based on the Hwasong-7, a Scud variant).


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Torsten Heinrich kommentoi tätä viestiä ja kysyi häneltä tällaista:

That means, in your opinion, there was no modernization of the INS and no addition of GPS and GLONASS? Are there any images that allow a CEP calculation around the Mossad headquarters?

Johon Tobias Schneider vastasi näin:

Even with 30 relatively clearly identifiable impacts, the calculation has a pretty high standard deviation. With fewer, I wouldn't even attempt it.

Ohjuksista ja droneista paljon kirjoittava Fabian Hinz vastasi tähän näin: LÄHDE

An extremely difficult topic. According to Iranian export data (which, of course, aren't entirely reliable), the Emad has a CEP of 50 meters. The above study comes up with a completely different value. However, impact analysis can only provide limited information about the CEP, since the exact target coordinates are unknown and must be reconstructed based on gut feeling.

To further complicate matters, much of the discussion assumes that Iranian missiles have an inherent accuracy that is independent of external factors. This was also the case with older black-box systems using pure inertial navigation and no external input. However, the situation is different with precision-guided missiles that also use satellite navigation. A system may be inherently precise, but not jam-resistant, which can dramatically affect accuracy. Similar reports have been made about ATACMS in Ukraine, for example. Conversely, such a system could be made more precise by installing jam-resistant navigation modules.

At the same time, Iran uses both missiles with terminal guidance, which at least theoretically have the potential for precision guidance (Khaibarshekan, Emad, Etemad, Haj Qasem), and systems without terminal guidance (e.g., Ghadr), which are inherently inaccurate. If both types had been used in the above-mentioned attack on Nevatim, this would already falsify the results.

And to make matters even more confusing: Accuracy is more difficult to achieve at longer ranges than at shorter ones. This means that an attack on Nevatim cannot necessarily be used to predict a possible short-range missile attack in the Gulf.


Johon Tobias Schneider vastasi näin:

Thanks, Fabian! Yes, I wouldn't generalize too much. Especially with terminal phase control/disruption, empirically speaking, huge tail risks arise. My original point was precisely that you can't glean much from a single impact.
 
Viimeksi muokattu:
En Irania juurikaan tunne mutta sanoisin että vertailu Syyriaan ei ole kovin osuva. Jälkimmäisessä kun oli lähtökohtaisesti uskonnollisesti ja "heimollisesti" heterogeeninen väestö, jota Assadin edustama vähemmistö piti rautaisessa diktatuurissa sisällisotaan asti. Minkä jälkeen vallalle olikin sitten aktiivisia halukkaita ottajia useampia.

Mikä taho Iranissa voisi nousta mullahien jälkeen valtaan väkivaltakoneiston ja kenties myös kansan "hyväksynnällä"? Sotilasvallankaappaus on kenties realistisin vaihtoehto. Se voisi saada kansan hyväksynnän melko helpostikin löysäämällä uskonnollista shittiä mutta pitämällä muuten tilanteen vakaana. Ja Israelin ja lännen suuntaan luopumalla ydinaseiden tavoittelusta.

Sattumoisin Jerusalem Post haastatellut Teheranissa asustelevaa "vastarintamiestä".

Mullaheita ja IRCG:tä vihataan yleisesti. Ihmisillä ei ole mitään Israelia vastaan ja kokevat sodan olevan puhtaasti mullahien syytä. Kaikkia korpeaa rahojen syytäminen proxysotiin.

Monet ihailevat Israelia koska kykenee pistämään mullahit ahtaalle ja elättelevät toivoa vallanvaihdoksesta kenties tämän kriisin vauhdittamana. Netanjahusta tykätään koska puhutellut selkeästi Iranin kansaa erillään hallinnosta. Puolustusministeri Katz antanut huonosti harkittuja kommentteja tässä suhteessa.

Maanpaossa oleva Pahlavi on arvostettu henkilö ja mahdollinen siirtymäajan hallitsija.

Kotimaisilla vihervasssareilla voi olla vähän ongelmia hyväksyä näitä mielipiteitä ;-)

 
Lisää iranilaisten ohjusten CEP:stä, tällä kertaa Decker Eveleth (twitter-tilin bio = Nukes & deterrence analyst at @CNA_org. @reed_college_, @MIIS alum. Former @JamesMartinCNS. Bylines @NKNewsorg, @ForeignPolicy) - hän jakaa 27.10.2024 julkaisemansa artikkelin jossa tarkastelee Iranin ballististen ohjusten iskua Israelin Nevatim sotilaslentokentälle:

"Iranian missiles have accuracy up to a kilometer" isn't something you claim if you're arguing Iranian missiles are precise.

A CEP of 1km could lead to downrange misses of 2km.

That's not trivial.

Now, they likely have better CEPs than this, still not precision.

Also, lost in this conversation is the fact that Iran heavily uses GNSS guidence, which the Israelis are going to jam.

That will degrade accuracy.

I wrote about this topic here, when I analyzed Iran's performance at Nevatim.


https://horsdoeuvresofbattle.blog/2024/10/27/nevatim-strike-accuracy-digestif/

October 27, 2024
By

Decker Eveleth

Nevatim Strike: Accuracy Digestif​



Iran’s recent missile strikes on Nevatim Air Force base only achieved limited damage, but it did give us a lot of data to play with to see precisely how accurate their missiles are under real world conditions. I’ve already crunched the numbers and they’re not particularly impressive. Iranian missiles likely have a CEP of around 800-900 meters, potentially as good as 500 meters if you make a series of extremely favorable assumptions for Iran. None of these numbers allow Iran to conduct economic counterforce targeting. Let me walk you through how I got there, partly because it’s great fun, and partly because it should cause you to think twice about talking about the CEPs of missiles.

How do we measure the accuracy of ballistic missiles? Generally accuracy measurements are presented in terms of the circular error probability, or CEP. It’s important to properly understand what this metric means. You may read that a missile has an accuracy of say, 30 meters. Most of the people who read this metric will come away with the idea that said missile will land within 30 meters of the target 100 percent of the time. This is not how probabilities work. Instead, a CEP measures the radius around the target the missile will land 50% of the time. If you’re targeting a small target with a 30 CEP missile, most of your shots are probably going to miss if you require a direct hit to destroy the target.

Misunderstanding this metric is part of the reason why people seem to have a pretty grossly inflated view of the effectiveness of most missiles. There are, of course, exceptions – missiles with advanced optical seekers are going to have higher accuracy than others. But most missiles that rely mainly on GNSS and INS for guidance have serious limitations, and generally advertised CEPs will not match the CEP the missile achieves in real world conditions. The CEP measurements you read about in the manufacture brochures are generally not based on coherent testing data, and instead are based on the theoretical performance of the missile in perfect conditions.

For example: Pershing 2 had an advertised accuracy of 30 meters. How many flight tests did the Army conduct with the Pershing 2? 23, and five of those were before the Army added Pershing 2’s incredibly advanced radar-guided warhead (of the early 5 tests, the Pershing 2 only achieved the desired accuracy 1 time). Of the remaining 18 tests (which was originally supposed to be 28 tests) the missile exploded prematurely 4 times, and an additional 5 reported partial or complete failures of various onboard subsystems. An additional test was aborted when the missile failed to ignite. It also worth noting that ALL of the 18 later tests were partial tests. At no point before its deployment did the Army successfully test the Pershing 2 to its full range against a land-based target and actually come anywhere close to a 30-meter CEP.

If you include all of this in a real-world calculation of the missile’s accuracy and its mission success rate, you will come away with a missile that will not achieve a measured 30-meter CEP and with a mission success rate of around 50% depending on how you count some of the tests. Does this mean that the Pershing 2 is a bad missile? God no. Pershing 2 is one of my favorite missiles, and it achieved its purpose: scare the shit out of the Soviets.

So going into this discussion of the measured CEPs of Iranian missiles, I want you to keep those things in mind. A system’s listed CEP is an approximation of accuracy assuming everything works under clean, testing conditions. This isn’t to try and claim that American missiles are as inaccurate as Iranian missiles or anything like that – more to simply make the point that you should be skeptical of any system’s stated CEP without real world data.

Now, let’s dig into it. The simplest way we could calculate the CEP of Iran’s missile forces based on the data we have is simply by counting up all the points and then calculating the average longitude and latitude values and treating the resulting point as the intended target. I’ve done this below simply because it’s a good visual of a CEP in theory. Each red dot on the map below is an impact point. We calculate the average XY point, which is marked by the white target. Once we have that, we can collect the radial distance from this central point of each impact point, and then find at what distance 50% of the points are included. This will give us a CEP. This is a bad way of doing it and will give you a CEP that is much larger than the actual performance. It’s included only to help explain the concept, and to give you an example of what you shouldn’t be doing.

screenshot-2024-10-11-205008.png


There are two major problems with attempting to calculate a CEP this way. The first is that long-range missile impact distributions aren’t circles. A CEP assumes that the distribution of impact points is a circular distribution. However, missiles are carrying a tremendous amount of momentum in one direction, which means a missile has a much greater chance of either undershooting or overshooting the target (referred to as a down-range miss) than hitting far to the side of a target (referred to as a cross-range miss).

Look at the distribution of impact points again. At first glance the distribution of points may appear circular, but note that there is a break between the impact points on the northern area of the base and the southern area of the base. Likely what actually occurred is that Iran targeted two areas, one on the above runway, and one on the below runway. That means we are not actually dealing with a circle at all, and instead dealing with two long ellipses, seen below. This checks out when you factor in Iranian launch positions, by the way – the angle of the ellipses matches the direction of several Iranian missile bases that we know Iran launched from, like Imam Ali Missile Base outside Khorramabad.

screenshot-2024-10-12-131145.png


The second problem is that we don’t know the aim point(s). We cannot simply assume that the aim point is in the middle of each ellipse, and without that assumption, CEP calculations get really wonky really fast. I tried plugging in the data to either ellipse into several CEP calculations used to determine GPS accuracy, and once you start moving the intended target away from the middle of the ellipse, the CEP it calculates begins to grow exponentially as the probability that the points would be placed in the distribution they are is so unlikely if you are assuming the distribution should be circular.

So what do we need to do? Instead of relying on radial distance, we need to calculate the X-axis miss distance and the Y-axis miss distance for each target point individually to compensate for the difference between the two. We don’t actually know the target point, but the clustering can give us some clues. Iran likely targeted the hangars on one end of the south runway (where, I should mention, the Israeli presidential plane was intermittently stored following some domestic political controversies in Israel regarding its use) and the F-35 shelters along the north runway. For reference, south runway hangers are near impact points 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, and 33, and the F-35 structures are near impact points 1, 2, 3, 9, 10, 11, and 12. Below I have added my assumed target points for both the northern and southern ellipses. This is, again, basically a best guess based on the distribution of impact points and what sort of high value targets Iran would actually want to hit.

screenshot-2024-10-11-205210.png


The target selection is the most arguable part of this as we obviously don’t know what precise area the Iranians targeted. We’ll discuss running this with different target points and changing other variables later, as you can improve the CEP somewhat. But I believe that the target points are reasonable due to where the high level targets at Nevatim.

Now, for each ellipse, we need to calculate the distance from the target point along both the X and the Y axis for each impact point. Below is an example of the information we need.

screenshot-2024-10-12-144141.png


Once we’ve calculated all that for each target, we should have a table of data that allows us to start to calculate something like an approximate CEP of Iranian missiles, and one that compensates for the fact that the distributions along the X axis and the Y axis are going to be very different. Thankfully some much MUCH smarter people have written out some helpful formulas that I can use. Take a look at this document that my former colleague Sam Lair pointed out to me. The document gives us several ways of approximating the CEP from non-circular information, and I am using this formula:

cep.png

Let’s plug in the data! Taking the standard deviation of the X and Y values for each ellipse and then taking the average of the two, we get an approximate CEP for Iranian missile accuracy of…908 meters. I don’t think I need to spell out how bad that is. Here’s a visualization of that CEP approximation below. I should drive home the point that this is an approximation, and that as missiles don’t have circular distributions of impacts, no CEP measurement is truly going to cleanly match the data.

Again, this measurement assumes my assessment of what was likely targeted is correct. You can improve this somewhat if you change the target points to be closer to the center of each ellipse (say, near target points 11 and 26). If you run that calculation you get a CEP of around 500-600 meters, but again, the distribution of target points makes that target point selection unlikely, especially in the bottom target set.

screenshot-2024-10-12-144508.png


One thing we have to account for is the theoretical performance of Israeli missile defense. Perhaps the CEP is not as high as it would be in real world conditions as many of the missiles that would have hit important targets were intercepted by Israeli missile defenses. This is incredibly unlikely for several reasons, the main one among them being that Israel’s primary interceptor operates in the mid-course, when it’s very difficult to tell whether any particular missile is going to hit the target. The sort of missiles Iran launched has the capability to maneuver after the mid-course as they are entering the atmosphere, which means Israel doesn’t have a way to accurately determine the impact points of such missiles during the time period where it would be intercepting them (generally, I acknowledge that David’s Sling appears to have managed 1 or 2 intercepts). But let’s head off this potential counterargument by doing some thought exercises.

Iran launched 180 ballistic missiles at three target sets at Israel. Let’s imagine this was split evenly (60/60/60) and we are missing 27 impact points at Nevatim. We have a list of probable impacts, so let’s actually say we’re missing 20. Let’s assume that 10 of those missiles failed to get to Israel for whatever reason (a 17% failure rate, which is very reasonable for ballistic missiles!), so we’re missing 10 impacts.

Now let’s assume, simply for the sake of the argument, that all of those 10 missiles would have hit something important. Let’s plot them here as hypothetical impacts (the points in white).

screenshot-2024-10-11-205117-1.png



I crunched the numbers again using these calculations. Does this improve the accuracy calculations? Yes, but not by much. We’ve improved the accuracy from 908.163 meters to 863.363 meters. That’s still not great! Adding more missiles on target would only further reduce the range by small amounts. Why? Because of the number of overshoots. If we were to simply exclude those (points 5, 15, 16, 17, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, and 32) from the dataset, the CEP would become better, but still not great. I crunched the numbers a bunch of times playing with removing overshoots and assuming less likely target points, and in no simulation does the CEP of these missiles break 500 meters. I think a real CEP of around 800-900 meters is the likeliest scenario here given the data. Even under the most favorable set of assumptions for Iran, Iranian ballistic missiles clearly do not have precision accuracy.

Now for part two. We now have some data on the accuracy of Iranian missiles. What we’re going to do now is calculate the chance that a single Iranian missile can destroy a counterforce target. This metric is known as the single shot probability of kill (SSPK) and is calculated with the following formula:

SSPK=1-0.5^(RL/CEP)^2

Where RL is the “lethal radius” of the missile. It’s basically how close a missile has to land in relation to the center of the target to destroy it. This can get complicated with some targets as you need to know the blast pressure wave generated by the missile warhead and how much pressure would be required to destroy the target. Lets consider the SSPK of a single Iranian missile against a single, isolated F-35 hardened aircraft shelter (HAS). We don’t need to worry about blast pressure with a HAS in these circumstances because we can safely assume that only a direct hit can destroy or heavily damage a HAS if you’re using a 650 kg warhead. If your HAS does not survive a miss with a 650 kg conventional warhead, then the HAS has failed its purpose.

The radius of a HAS target at Nevatim is 10 meters, so let’s treat that as the lethal radius for a direct hit and plug that into the equation along with the CEP to calculate the SSPK of a single Iranian missile against a specific HAS. Not a set of HASs or the HAS area, one, specific, 20 by 20 meter target.

1-0.5^(10/908)^2 = 0.0000840689

So a 0.008% chance of scoring a hit on that target.

Just for the sake of argument, let’s put in 600 meters, which is still a terrible CEP, but is in line with an incredibly generous depiction of Iranian missile performance.

1-0.5^(10/500)^2 = 0.00027722043. That’s 0.03%!

Again, this is the chance one missile will score a hit against a single specific HAS. We see better performance at Nevatim, but that’s because Nevatim has many hardened aircraft shelters distributed over a wide area. Once you account for the chance that at least one missile will strike at least one target, your hit chances get much better – although I don’t see much mileage in doing a Monte Carlo simulation here as the result would be specific to Nevatim. By changing the assumptions, we can see Iranian missiles likely have a CEP between about 700-1000 meters. The difference between those two numbers doesn’t mean much for the rate of success at either SSPK is unworkable for counterforce. The bottom line here is that, even under a set of assumptions that are most favorable to Iranian missiles, you cannot get results from the data that suggest these missiles are capable of economic counterforce targeting.

Israeli conventional and nuclear forces aren’t in existential danger of Iranian missile strikes unless Iran dramatically increases the scale of attacks against target complexes. Iran may be able to destroy major Israeli ground army bases and major administrative complexes if they are sufficiently tightly packed, but this will likely not sufficiently degrade Israel’s strike capabilities against Iran. This doesn’t mean Iran won’t be able to do significant damage and kill lots of people. Their long-range missiles are simply too inaccurate to match the sort of precision strikes we saw on October 25th. This suggests – as I think we’ve already seen recently – that there are hard limits on the deterrence benefits of Iranian missile forces. If you can only credibly threaten cities, then you can’t threaten targets that you could hit at lower rungs of the escalation ladder. This means you aren’t really able to effectively deter low level tit-for-tat conflicts like the one Israel and Iran are currently embroiled in. The result is that Iran and Israel may be stuck in a small stability-instability paradox, as Israel is clearly not willing to use nuclear weapons to respond to or deter Iranian missile strikes, and Iranian missile strikes are only really going to be effective at targets you attack at very high levels of escalation and thus are not capable at deterring Israel. This suggests that Israel and Iran trading missiles is going to be a long running problem going forward. Iran getting the bomb is really only going to make this problem worse, as Iran having a dedicated nuclear force would likely lower the number of missiles they need to keep in reserve for escalation, which means more conventional missiles to throw at Israel.

This could change if Iran produces missiles capable of striking counterforce targets. Once Iran proves it can destroy a large number of Israeli F-35s with conventional missiles, their missile forces will begin to pose a serious threat to Israel at low levels of escalation. But until Iran makes those improvements, we’re stuck here.

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Artikkeliin oli tullut tällainen kommentti:

Awesome blog post, awesome IMINT. I just want to record a few thoughts.

Thought 1A: There are two ellipses, composed of two different populations of missiles. We assume that the center of each ellipse is probably close to the designated aimpoint for each population. That said, it strikes me as somewhat suspicious that the center of the southern ellipse doesn’t seem to be anything especially valuable. I would expect the southern ellipse to be centered on high value targets, but it is off-center.

Thought 1B: The bottom ellipse has 6 hits within a 300m radius circle of the flightline for large aircraft (C-130, etc.), and 10 hits that are about 2km distant from anything important, more-or-less. I think, maybe, this might be 6 missiles with a 150m–300m CEP, and 10 missiles that suffered a critical guidance or control failure. This thought is driven by the fact that the center of the ellipse is not the center of the high-value-targets, and it probably ought to be; and also I think that the 6 tightly clustered hits on the flightline are very lucky for 16 MRBMs with 600m CEP.

Think about it– 16 missiles with a 600m CEP means 8 missiles inside a 600m radius circle (or ellipse), and 8 outside it. Of the 8 inside the 600m radius circle, 6 of them are in a 300m radius circle that happens to land on the flightline. Very lucky.

The top ellipse again looks like 8 missiles that got really lucky and landed near various HAS, and 8 missiles that landed near nothing.

Thought 1C: thought 1B could be totally wrong. The human brain is prone to pulling patterns out of noise. The missiles may simply have a CEP >600m.

Still, I don’t think a “150m CEP missile with only 40% reliability” is that unlikely. Big missiles can have poor reliability, and quality control can be very challenging in complex systems.



Thought 2A: in an attritional framework, you want each engagement to have a good cost/benefit ratio. Not universally true, but generally preferred.

Let’s use the 600m CEP assumption. Each MRBM has a 0.0003 chance of hitting a HAS. If there is a single HAS, which contains a single $100m F-35, then that MRBM will do (0.0003)*($100m) of damage, which is $30K — much much less than the cost of an MRBM.

If there is a group of 18 HAS that are close together, then each MRBM will do (18)*(0.0003)*($100m) of damage, which is about $500K. This is much closer to the cost of an MRBM. (Of course, these statistics are somewhat sloppy, but this is a comment on a blog post).

If you put all 60 HAS within the 600m CEP of an MRBM, and put a $100m F-35 in each one, each MRBM does $1.8m of damage. That hurts!

Thought 2B: Dispersion really works. If your enemy has a 600m CEP MRBM, put small clusters of HAS at least 600m apart. Hitting broadly dispersed HAS is uneconomic.

The shell game also works, if HAS (~$1m) are much cheaper than F-35s (~$100m). A group of 6 HAS with only 2 F-35s in them is really only worth $200m, even though it looks like a $600m target. Any target type that is much smaller than the CEP and more broadly dispersed than the CEP is hard to hit.

Thought 2C: Dispersal orientation matters. CEPs are elliptical for MRBMs. If you know who is shooting MRBMs at you and where they are coming from, dispersing your HAS across the minor axis of the ellipse may be more economic than across the major axis.

In other words, a 600m CEP missile may have a CEP ellipse that is 300m x 1200m radii. If someone is shooting these MRBMs at you from the west, you may want to have HAS spacing that is 300m North-South and 1200m East-West (or 600m x 2400m, etc.)

Summary: 600m CEP with a unitary conventional warhead kinda sucks.

Thought 2D: 600m CEP MRBMs can still be valuable for messaging, international or domestic; or even other purposes.



Thought 3A: 600m CEP is really bad. Iran must know how bad it is. 600m would have shown up in testing. A few possibilities present themselves:

— They didn’t do enough testing. Their planners didn’t know the missiles were 600m CEP.

— The engineering teams knew that the missiles were 600m CEP, but due to bureaucratic dysfunction, decision makers did not.

— They knew they had a 600m CEP missile, which is not very useful for hitting HAS. They still find it useful for messaging. 99% of various citizens in the Middle East don’t know what CEP is. Shooting an MRBM is sending a message.

— The missiles may have been more accurate in testing.

Thought 3B: This next bit is rampant, unfounded speculation on my part. Israel is very good at producing radars. An AESA radar is a high power, highly directional, electronically steerable, multifunctional radio transmitter.

I think it’s very possible that Iran’s MRBMs use GNSS guidance for the midcourse. GNSS guidance can be jammed. While GNSS is jammed, the INS drifts. The longer the duration of jamming, the worse the INS inaccuracy.

I think it is technically feasible that Israel operates an undisclosed long-range directional GNSS jamming system, for jamming the GNSS systems of Iranian ballistic missiles.

I have seen no evidence indicating that this is true. I simply believe it to be technically feasible. If this is true, it could explain the poor CEP.

Johon Decker Eveleth vastasi näin:

Thanks for the comment, super helpful. A couple thoughts:

On your point about the bottom ellipse. I didn’t go that deep into it in the post, but I did a bunch of thinking on why we see, effectively, two groupings of impact points: points close to the target, and then a large number of overshoots. I don’t think simple inaccuracy can explain that, although your point about them using a mix or accurate and inaccurate missiles is entirely possible. But I don’t think we can say that the misses are all from the inaccurate missiles, and here is why: we suspect that Iran’s more modern missiles like Fattah 1 do some fancy tricks to avoid interception, including a pull up maneuver in the terminal phase. If that is done sloppily, its possible that Iran has miscalculated and the pull up maneuver is making the missile go farther than they intended. Now, if they fix that, that’s going to improve the accuracy from 900-600 meters to ~400 basically immediately. This is part of why I was so comfortable putting my intended impact point closer to one side of the ellipse: you could miscalculate burn times or be victim to sloppy motor casting, and that could cause a large number of overshoots.

A thought on “did Iran know?” The answer depends on how much testing Iran did in GPS denied environments. We know Iran uses GPS boxes in their missiles, they’ve shown us the boxes before. Also, Iran DID achieve 100-200 meter accuracy in strikes on Iraq, and that was not a GPS denied environment. If Iran’s backup inertial computers are just really, really bad, that might explain why we see such a massive jump in accuracy.


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Shashank Joshi kommentoi tätä viestiketjua näin: LÄHDE

Useful debate below. I side with those arguing that Iran is likely aiming at cities but without confidence in precisely what it will hit.

Johon Decker Eveleth vastasi näin:

For the record, I do not think the debate about accuracy directly translates to discussion about specific Iranian targets. Accuracy is poor, but variable, and doesn't nessessarily tell us anything about specific targets.

Johon Shashank Joshi vastasi näin:

Doesn't it tell us whether or not Iran would have a reasonable expectation of striking a particular sort of target?

Johon Decker Eveleth vastasi näin:

Sure but thats not the same thing.
 
Maanpaossa oleva Pahlavi on arvostettu henkilö ja mahdollinen siirtymäajan hallitsija.

Kotimaisilla vihervasssareilla voi olla vähän ongelmia hyväksyä näitä mielipiteitä ;-)
Vähemmän yllättäen Yle on jostain kaivanut esiin yhden suomeniranilaisen, joka ei tätä Pahlavia kannata.
Syykin tälläiseen negatiivissävyiseen juttuun löytyy samasta jutusta:
Läheiset suhteet Israeliin
 
Nopeasti täällä on unohtunut miten Syyriassa Assadin hallinto kaatui. Ei siihen tarvittu mitään koalition maahan hyökkäämistä vaikka samantyyppinen väkivaltakoneisto siellä piti diktatuuria vallan kahvassa kiinni kuin Iranissa.
Kun kansa tai riittävän suuri osa siitä näkee aidon vaihtoehdon, syntyy vastarintaa jolloin riittää periaatteessa sen aseistaminen mikä ei liene Israel/USA ja muut Iranin naapurimaat huomioiden mikään ylitsepääsemätön ongelma.

Pommittaminen ja hallintokoneistoon kohdistuvat salamurhat eivät ole mitään sattumanvaraista sohimista vaan päämäärätietoista horjuttamista ja sotilaallisen suorituskyvyn heikentämistä sekä tilaisuuden avaamista jollekin taholle, joka haluaa nousta diktatuurin tilalle.

Mahdollisuudessa on jo se siemen, otollinen maa on muokattu vuosikymmenten sorrolla aivan kuten Syyriassa ja kun lumipallo lähtee liikkeelle niin kansa vaihtaa puolta muutamassa päivässä.
Kyllä siinä tarvittiin vuosien verinen sisällisota ja kunnon aseellinen porukka niitä kaupunkeja ottamaan ja sekin onnistui vasta sitten kun monta palikkaa ja Assadin tukijaa kaatui ensin. Iran ei ole samanlainen diktatuuri kuin Assad. Iran on uskonnollinen diktatuuri. Iranissa toki on iso kansa ja sieltä sitä porukkaa löytyy vallankaappausta tekemään. Se kuinka fanaattista sakkia kaarti tai armeija on tukemaan islamistivaltaa on iso kysymysmerkki.
Edellisten iranin mielenosoitusten tukahduttaminen on varmasti lisännyt vihaa entisestään. Siellä raiskattiin järjestelmällisesti pidätetyt ja tapettujen omaisilta laskutettiin luodin hinta jotta saivat ruumiin haudattavaksi. Se voi olla että kuppi kiehahtaa ylitse oikeissa olosuhteissa. Ehkä israelilla ja jenkeillä on jotain oikeaa tietoa iranin väkivaltakoneiston rappeutumisesta…
 
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