50-100 miljoonalle punaniskalle uppoaa.Varsin säälittävää selittämistä.
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50-100 miljoonalle punaniskalle uppoaa.Varsin säälittävää selittämistä.
50-100 miljoonalle punaniskalle uppoaa.
Yle:
Yhdysvaltalaismedia: Trump oli ”kolmas mies” tapaamisessa, jossa hyssyttelyrahoista sovittiin
Trumpin entinen asianajaja Michael Cohen on juuri tuomittu vaitiolorahojen maksamisesta.
Yhdysvaltalaismedioiden mukaan presidentti Donald Trump olisi ollut ”kolmas henkilö huoneessa”, jossa sovittiin hyssyttelyrahojen maksamisesta Trumpin kanssa suhteessa olleille naisille.
Liittovaltion syyttäjien tällä viikolla julkaisemien tietojen mukaan vuonna 2015 käytiin neuvottelu, jossa sovittiin, kuinka välttää negatiivisia Trump-uutisia presidentinvaalikampanjan aikana. Tapaamiseen osallistuivat The National Enquirer -lehden johtaja David Pecker, Trumpin silloinen asianajaja Michael Cohenin sekä ”kolmas mies”.
Raportti ei nimeä "kolmatta miestä", mutta uutiskanava NBC:n mukaan(siirryt toiseen palveluun) kyseessä olisi Trump itse. Myös The Wall Street Journal -lehti on aikaisemmin kirjoittanut, että Trump olisi ollut läsnä tapaamisessa, jossa vaitiolomaksuista sovittiin.
Paljastukset sijoittavat Trumpin siihen huoneeseen, jossa suunniteltiin rikollisia toimia, jotka vaikuttivat käynnissä olevaan presidentinvaalikampanjaan.
Trumpin entinen asianajaja on juuri tuomittu vankilaan kolmeksi vuodeksi muun muassa vaitiolorahan järjestämisestä. Cohen myönsi maksaneensa hiljaiseksi aikuisviihdetähdet Stormy Danielsin ja Karen McDougalin, jotteivät naiset kertoisi julkisuuteen seksisuhteistaan Trumpin kanssa.
Torstaina Trump twiittasi monisanaisesti, ettei hän koskaan ohjeistanut Cohenia rikkomaan lakia. Valkoisesta talosta on jo aiemmin tiedotettu, ettei Trump ole tehnyt mitään väärää vaalikampanjaansa liittyen. Lisäksi Trump on sanonut saaneensa tietää vaitiolomaksuista vasta jälkikäteen.
50-100 miljoonalle punaniskalle uppoaa.
https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/mic...e-stephanopoulos-transcript/story?id=59816305Stephanopoulos: He is saying very clearly that he never directed you to do anything wrong. Is that true?
Cohen: I don't think there is anybody that believes that. First of all, nothing at the Trump organization was ever done unless it was run through Mr. Trump. He directed me, as I said in my allocution and I said as well in the plea, he directed me to make the payments, he directed me to become involved in these matters. Including the one with McDougal, which was really between him and David Pecker and then David Pecker's counsel. I just reviewed the documents ... in order to protect him. I gave loyalty to someone who truthfully does not deserve loyalty.
Stephanopoulos: He was trying to hide what you were doing, correct?
Cohen: Correct.
Stephanopoulos: And he knew it was wrong?
Cohen: Of course.
Stephanopoulos: And he was doing that to help his election?
Cohen: You have to remember at what point in time that this matter came about -- two weeks or so before the election. Post the Billy Bush ["Access Hollywood"] comments, so, yes, he was very concerned about how this would affect the election.
Stephanopoulos: To help his campaign?
Cohen: To help him and the campaign.
Stephanopoulos: You mention dirty deeds in your allocution yesterday. When you think about it, when you look back, did you know what you were doing?
Cohen: I am angry at myself because I knew what I was doing was wrong. I stood up before the world yesterday and I accepted the responsibility for my actions. The actions that I gave to a man, who, as I also said in my allocution, I was loyal to. I should not be the only one taking responsibility for his actions.
Stephanopoulos: So he's still lying?
Cohen: Yes.
Eikö tämä ollut jo kaikille selvä, kyseessä on täysin eri asiat.Sakko tullee, eli ei näillä eväillä saada presidenttejä erotettua.
Edellinen sakko tuli Obamalle ja hänen lainvastainen rahamäärä oli 1.8miljoonaa. Näin ollen sakoksi määrättiin 375000 dollaria.
https://www.politico.com/story/2013/01/obama-2008-campaign-fined-375000-085784
Eikö tämä ollut jo kaikille selvä, kyseessä on täysin eri asiat.
Tämä whataboutismi ei tunnu trumpistien keskuudessa kuolevan ikinä.
Väitätkö tosiaan että Obaman kampanjan rike ja Trumpin rikos ovat keskenään samanarvoisia? Obaman kampanja sai sakon vaalikomissio FEC:ltä jolla ei ole valtuuksia rangaista rikoksista kyseessä oli siis siviilioikeudellinen asia ja syyllinen oli tietysti kampanja ei henkilö. Cohen sai tuomion rikoksesta jonka teki henkilökohtaisesti Trumpin määräyksestä kyseessä ei siis ollut FEC:n antama siviilioikeudellinen rangaistus kampanjalle.No tottahan toki, mitä muutakaan voi odottaa. Ajattele ku jonkun pitäisi myöntää että ukkoa ei saada erotettua.
Nii kele.
https://thehill.com/hilltv/rising/4...om-a-slam-dunk-says-former-federal-prosecutor
Michael Cohen's guilty plea and subsequent sentencing don't mean it's a slam-dunk that President Trump will be hit with charges of breaking campaign finance laws, former federal prosecutor Joseph Moreno said Thursday.
Cohen sai tuomion rikoksesta jonka teki henkilökohtaisesti Trumpin määräyksestä kyseessä ei siis ollut FEC:n antama siviilioikeudellinen rangaistus kampanjalle..
Trump henkilökohtaisesti määräsi lakimiehensä rikkomaan lakia ja tämä lakimies sai kyseisestä tempusta vankeustuomion. Kyseessä oli rikos jolla pyrittiin vaikuttamaan vaalitulokseen. Kyseessä oli myös temppu joka on riittävän vakava viraltapanoon.
Niin ja ne 50-100 miljoonaa "punaniskaa", ne saattavat vielä olla vaikuttamassa siihenkin autetaanko Eurooppaa enää kolmatta kertaa. Se on se syy miksi minä olen ollut huolestunut monien eurooppalaisten poliitikkojen sanomisista.
Cohen sai tuomion mm. kampanjarahoitusrikkomuksesta, käytin yksikköä sillä tämä syyte on se joka koskee Cohenin lisäksi Trumpia. Kerro nyt miksi vertaat Trumpin rikosta ja Obaman kampanjan rikettä toisiinsa kun niiden välillä ei ole yhteyttä. On älyllisesti epärehellistä rinnastaa nämä kaksi asiaa toisiinsa. Toinen on siviilioikeudellinen rike ja toinen on rikos josta tuomiona on vankeutta. Toisesta päättää FEC ja toisesta syyttäjä. Ero vakavuuden asteessa on todella merkittävä.Puhut yksikössä. Aikaisemmin kerroit, että Cohen sai vankeutta siitä yksittäisestä ja väitetystä Trumpin rikoksesta.
Vaikuttaa siltä, että et edes tiedä mistä Cohen tuomittiin.
The Real, Cynical Reason Pelosi Won’t Impeach Trump
Democrats are willing to stoke the fire, but they want a controlled burn. Why get in the way of a good thing?
T.A. FrankDecember 13, 2018 4:28 pm
<div data-xf-p="1" data-reactid="212"><div data-xf-p="1" data-reactid="213"><div data-xf-p="1" data-reactid="214"><img data-fr-image-pasted="true" alt="Nancy Pelosi in sunglasses walking next to Chuck Schumer" data-fr-src="https://media.vanityfair.com/photos...68,c_limit/Nancy-Pelosi-Trump-Impeachment.jpg" title="" data-reactid="220"></div></div></div><p>Nancy Pelosi and Chuck Schumer walk out of the West Wing to speak to members of the media, December 11, 2018.</p><p>By Andrew Harnik/AP/REX/Shutterstock.</p>
With an indictment of Donald Trump for campaign-finance violations looking possible, talk of impeachment is back. To be fair, talk of impeachment began on November 9, 2016, and never stopped, but call it a flare-up. “This criminal must be brought up by the Congress of the United States for impeachment,” said Rep. Maxine Waters a few days ago. “And if we don’t . . . we’re derelict in our duty.” Waters isn’t alone. Billionaire Tom Steyer, the leader of a national impeachment drive, continues his efforts. “Democrats should do the right thing: impeach Mr. Trump,” he tweetedthis week. “Don’t try to game out what happens. Do the right thing. Period.” Congressional newcomer Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez has also endorsed the effort.
The argument for impeaching Trump has been straightforward: when a U.S. president has committed high crimes, justice and the rule of law call for the ultimate sanction. You cannot uphold the pillars of the Constitution if you look the other way in favor of expediency. “Electoral politics don’t matter,” tweeted Esquire’s Charles P. Pierce.“‘Optics’ don’t matter. Sean Hannity doesn’t matter. The House now has an unavoidable constitutional obligation to open an impeachment inquiry. If it declines, the constitutional provision is nothing more than what Jefferson called it: a scarecrow.” Perhaps a bubbling up in such arguments is why one analyst, Greg Valliere of Horizon Investments, places the odds of impeachment at 55 percent.
But if you’re the gambling sort and could use a little money, taking the other side of that bet might help with retirement. (Might, I said. Call off the class-action specialists.) My broker at All-Seeing and All-Knowing Investments, LLC, places the odds at 5 percent. And even that might be high. There are many reasons Democrats will steer clear of impeachment, and expedience is only one of them.
While expedience is always a powerful force in political life, it’s not the biggest barrier to impeachment. Certainly, older Democrats remember the midterms of 1998, the year that Republicans set the impeachment train going against Bill Clinton. To general surprise, Republicans wound up losing a few seats in the House, a setback that was widely interpreted as a rebuke of impeachment zealotry. But Clinton’s approval ratings were reaching 70 percent as impeachment got underway, whereas Trump’s struggle to stay above 40. Trump’s alleged offenses, while minor in comparison to those of many non-impeached presidents, are also more severe than those of Clinton. And it’s possible that impeachment worked better for Republicans than conventional wisdom suggests. The circus kept Clinton’s sins in the public eye, and the shame of it all caused Al Gore to distance himself from an otherwise popular president. So political positioning might even favor impeachment, in theory. Of course, in purely tactical terms, the risk-to-reward ratio of impeachment is unfavorable, and Democrats don’t feel like testing it, but the point here is that expedience is only one of many reasons, far from the most important, that Democrats will restrain themselves.
High-mindedness, in this case, matters more. Democrats like Nancy Pelosi sincerely believe that impeachment is terrible for the country. At best, you get a crippled head of state and a political system in quiet turmoil. At worst, you cause a constitutional crisis. Also, every time you misuse impeachment, you cheapen it. The very idea of impeachment is far less frightening to a president today than it was 20 years ago, because Clinton showed it could be an unpleasant but temporary ordeal, like a stay in the hospital. Poor judgment by Republicans made it into a paper tiger. Every precedent set by one side also encourages the other side to follow suit. Impeachment begets impeachment. Democrats don’t want that.
Related to the high-mindedness is another comforting reality: there is a base level of goodwill between the two parties in the House. This is odd to say, given how incommensurable and bitter the political divides have become. But political disagreements and standard-issue partisan games don’t poison the waters. (For example, Republicans know that their investigations into the F.B.I., while not without some merit, will get shut down, and they accept that. Similarly, Democrats knew that Trump was going to benefit from a lot of double standards set by his own party, and they accept that.) What infuriates either side is a breach in implicit boundaries, such as when Newt Gingrich deployed a new brand of attack rhetoric in the 1980s and 1990s, or when Republican Majority Leader Tom DeLay held a vote open for three hours. Currently, though, despite all tensions over policy, House Republicans have played fair enough to mollify House Democrats, and the two sides get along better than you’d think. When Pelosi asserts that truly impeachment-worthy crimes would get Republican buy-in for action, she means it.
This gets to the inescapability of politics in all of this. Those who see impeachment as a clean matter of upholding the rule of law in the face of crime, who see only cowardice or a concern for “optics” in attempts to avoid it, tend to have greater confidence in their conceptions of impartiality than those who urge restraint. Impeachment is like yelling, “Fire!” Unless everyone can see the flames, as opposed to your side alone, you lose credibility, with serious repercussions in all directions. That’s what happened to Republicans in 1998, and this, just as much as midterm setbacks, is what many Democrats take as the crucial lesson.
If Pelosi understands anything better than nearly anyone else, it’s the workings of consensus. Impeachment is the breakdown of consensus, and if you’re using it in the hopes of getting a president booted out of office, then you’re doing it wrong. Republicans impeached Clinton because there was no bipartisan consensus to do more than that. They wanted to make a point and draw some blood. If the crimes are indisputably heinous, however, then, as Pelosi sees it, impeachment never happens. Instead, the leaders of the House and Senate pay a visit to the Oval Office and say, “Mr. President, we have the votes to impeach and convict you. The jig is up.” Then the president, as Nixon did, resigns. The circus is averted.
There’s a final dirty truth about why Democrats aren’t going to impeach Trump: they don’t think he’s that bad. Oh, sure, they despise him. (No angry e-mails, please.) Pelosi thinks he’s a coarse and erratic buffoon. But she doesn’t think he’s a Hitler or Mussolini or Pinochet or Franco or Erdoğan or even Orbán. She remembers scandals from previous presidencies, such as warrantless wiretapping or Abu Ghraib or the sale of arms to Iran with a portion of the profits being diverted to rebels in Nicaragua. Payoffs to sexual partners look mild in comparison. (She also knows about far worse among some of her colleagues in the House. Thirty years in Washington will do that.)
Anti-Trump passions have therefore presented Democrats like Pelosi with a tricky balance to strike. They value the outrage and voter mobilization, and they’re willing to stoke the fire, but they want a controlled burn. That means tamping down impeachment talk. They’re happy to accuse Trump of crimes and suggest that impeachment would be merited, but then they pull back from the brink. The offenses outlined in recent filings concerning Trump’s payoff to porn actress Daniels are “impeachable,” noted Jerrold Nadler, the incoming chairman of the Judiciary Committee, but “whether they are important enough to justify an impeachment is a different question.” A weakened and infuriated Trump is an ideal foil for a party looking to retake the White House, and so is the party covering for him. If Trump were gone, Mike Pence would clean the slate and exhibit far more self-control. So why get in the way of a good, or at least not-all-bad, thing?
Eikös tämä ajaisi sinun asiaasi lähes täydellisesti? Pääsisit leikkimään sotaleikkejä
https://www.washingtonpost.com/news...-house-chief-of-staff/?utm_term=.51b232e77157Mulvaney will replace John F. Kelly, who Trump announced last weekend would be stepping down as chief of staff.
“I look forward to working with him in this new capacity as we continue to MAKE AMERICA GREAT AGAIN!” Trump said of Mulvaney in a tweet. “John will be staying until the end of the year. He is a GREAT PATRIOT and I want to personally thank him for his service!”