Ukrainan konflikti/sota

Ei ole tosiaan kuulunut mitään MiG-29 ja Su-27 koneista koko sodan aikana, vaikka muista nähneeni spekulointia toisinaan että ryssä aktivoisi näitä jotta voisi käyttää niitä "halpoina aselavetteina", sen sijaan että tuhlataan sodan aikana uusien koneiden lentotunnit loppuun.

Su-27 koneista ainoat lentävät lienevät Su-27SM2 (47 kpl) ja Su-27SM3 (24 kpl) modernisoinnit, suluissa ko. koneiden määrät Military Balance 2024 julkaisun mukaan.
MiG-29 ei tosiaan ole ollut venäjän ilmavoimissa käytössä pitkään aikaan kuin korkeintaan hyvin pienenä yksikkönä yritystukena hankittuja uusimpia modernisaatioita. Sekä tietysti samalla mentaliteetilla hankitut tukialusvariantit, yksi taisi mennä mereenkin noin '16 Syyrian purjehduksella. Ulkomailla sen sijaan noita on ollut kohtuullisesti. Joten varastoissa seisoville koneille on voinut käydä T-72:t, eli irtilähtevät osat on myyty varaosiksi joko virallisia tai epävirallisia reittejä. Jäljelläolevien runkojen kunnostaminen lentokuntoisiksi voi siis olla hyvinkin tuskainen taival.

Su-27 ei ole ollut yhtä suosittu ostos kuin vasta myöhempinä variantteina, mutta kyllä sitäkin mm. Kiinaan meni. En tiedä miten yhteensopivia varaosat ovat alkuperäisten ja Su-3x:n välillä, mutta veikkaan etteivät kovin. Sama koskee kiinan kopiota J-11, sen varaosatkaan tuskin menevät venäläiseen runkoon. Mutta niiden kunnostaminen voi olla helpompaa, kun modernisoituja yksilöitä on pidetty jonkin verran rivissä. Varaosia voi siis olla varastossakin, eikä kaikkia runkojakaan ehkä ole kannibalisoitu tyhjäksi. Ainakin tuotantovalmius pitäisi olla ja huoltohenkilöstöäkään ei ehkä tapatettu Bakhmutin pelloilla.
 
Moskovan voiton päivän paraati tulee olemaan kohtuullisen laiha (kuten oli viime vuonnakin):

The only tracked armored vehicles taking part in this year's Moscow Victory Day Parade will be T-34-85 tanks.

https://iz.ru/1692065/roman-kretcul/lakonichnyi-argument-chto-mozhno-budet-uvidet-na-parade-9-maia

5 May 2024, 16:04

A laconic argument: what can be seen at the May 9 parade​

For the second year in a row, equipment involved in the North Military District zone was not brought in to participate in the ceremony.
Roman Kretsul
Photo: IZVESTIA/Pavel Volkov


The Victory Parade on May 9, judging by the dress rehearsal, will be relatively modest. Participants in the special military operation will also march along Red Square, but in general, the units involved in the conflict zone did not distract from combat work. There are no plans to take part in the parade of modern tanks and infantry fighting vehicles, but it will not do without new products: for the first time, a modernized medical armored vehicle “Linza” will march along Red Square in a mechanized column. In total, more than 9 thousand people, over 70 pieces of equipment and two aviation groups will take part in the main ceremony this year.

New "Lens"

On May 5, a dress rehearsal for the parade on the occasion of the 79th anniversary of the victory in the Great Patriotic War took place in Moscow. The troops marched in strict order and time intervals, in which they will have to show themselves on the main square of the country on May 9. For this purpose, the Garden Ring and several streets in the southeast of Moscow were blocked.

The rehearsal began with the honor guard of the 154th separate Preobrazhensky Commandant Regiment carrying out the Russian national flag and the Victory Banner , the battle banner of the 150th Idritsa Rifle Division, to the sounds of the song “Holy War.”

T-34-85 tank at the final rehearsal of the military parade on Red Square in honor of the 79th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War

T-34-85 tank at the final rehearsal of the military parade on Red Square in honor of the 79th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War
Photo: IZVESTIA/Pavel Volkov


Participants of the special military operation, regiments, battalions and companies by types and branches of troops, crews from Suvorov, Nakhimov, cadet schools, Youth Army members, women military personnel, Cossacks and a combined military orchestra marched in parade formation.

Iskander-M operational-tactical missile systems at the final rehearsal of the military parade on Red Square in honor of the 79th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War

Iskander-M operational-tactical missile systems at the final rehearsal of the military parade on Red Square in honor of the 79th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War - Photo: IZVESTIA/Pavel Volkov


Following the parade crews, a column of equipment passed by the Kremlin. Judging by the rehearsal, at the May 9 parade, the mechanized column will traditionally be led by the legendary “Victory Tank” - T-34-85. It will be followed by Tiger, VPK-Ural, Typhoon-K armored vehicles, and BTR-82A armored personnel carriers. Then, launchers of the Iskander-M operational-tactical missile systems and S-400 anti-aircraft missile systems will pass along the paving stones of Red Square. Next, the audience will be presented with the Yars mobile strategic missile systems, which are the basis of Russia’s nuclear shield. The passage of the mechanized column will be completed by Boomerang armored personnel carriers with flags of the military branches.

Armored personnel carrier Boomerang at the final rehearsal of the military parade on Red Square in honor of the 79th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War

Armored personnel carrier "Boomerang" at the final rehearsal of the military parade on Red Square in honor of the 79th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War - Photo: IZVESTIA/Pavel Volkov


For the first time, the newest protected ambulance armored vehicle “Linza” will take part in the parade. It reaches speeds of up to 105 km/h and can transport four lying wounded or six seated ones. The armor protects against bullets and shrapnel.

There will be no full air part this year - the parade will end with a flight of the Russian Knights and Swifts aviation groups in a unique aerobatic maneuver called the Cuban Diamond. Then six Su-25 attack aircraft will fly over Red Square, painting the sky over the capital in the colors of the Russian tricolor.

Formation of the “Cuban Diamond” from MiG-29 and Su-30SM fighters of the “Russian Knights” and “Swifts” aerobatic teams at the dress rehearsal of the aerial part of the military parade in honor of the 79th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War

Formation of the “Cuban Diamond” from MiG-29 and Su-30SM fighters of the “Russian Knights” and “Swifts” aerobatic teams at the dress rehearsal of the aerial part of the military parade in honor of the 79th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War
Photo: IZVESTIA/Pavel Volkov


Just like a year ago, there will be no heavy modern equipment at the parade - it is operating in the zone of a special military operation. Promising samples will not be presented either.

On May 3, Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu announced that more than 9 thousand people and over 70 pieces of equipment, as well as two aviation groups, would take part in the parade in Moscow.

In truncated format

Since last year, May 9 parades have been held in a relatively truncated format. The troops located on the line of combat contact are practically not diverted to participate in the solemn ceremony, with the exception of the consolidated crew of the special operation participants.
The same goes for equipment: modern tanks, infantry fighting vehicles, self-propelled guns - in other words, the vehicles that are now most needed at the front line are not involved in the parade.

As the head of the Ministry of Defense previously reported, parades dedicated to the 79th anniversary of the victory in the Great Patriotic War will be held in seven hero cities and 18 cities where the headquarters of military districts, fleets and combined arms armies are located. Ceremonial events with the participation of garrison troops will take place in 314 settlements.

“In total, about 150 thousand people and 2.5 thousand types of weapons and military equipment will be involved in the celebration of Victory Day,” said Sergei Shoigu.

A captured Abrams tank on Poklonnaya Hill in Moscow, captured by Russian military personnel during a special operation

A captured Abrams tank on Poklonnaya Hill in Moscow, captured by Russian military personnel during a special operation
Photo: IZVESTIA/Pavel Volkov


Earlier, on May 1, the all-Russian “Wall of Memory” campaign started in Moscow at the Victory Museum. Those gathered honored the memory of those killed in the Great Patriotic War with a minute of silence. Participants in the action brought photographs of their relatives who fought against German Nazism in the Great Patriotic War, and attached the photographs to the wall in the museum.

At the same time, on May 1, an exhibition of captured equipment captured by Russian troops in the special operation zone opened on Poklonnaya Hill. It presents examples such as the French armored combat vehicle AMX-10RC, the American M2 Bradley infantry fighting vehicle, the American M113 armored personnel carrier, the Turkish Kirpi armored car, the American MAXXPRO Plus armored car and others. In the center of the exhibition is a blown up Abrams tank, along with two engineering vehicles on the same chassis, as well as a German Leopard 2 tank and a Marder infantry fighting vehicle.

1715012283883.png


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MUOKKAUS: kertauksen vuoksi ryssän Moskovan paraatien ajoneuvojen määrä aikavälillä 2013-2023 (lähteenä numeroille tämän viestin data: LINKKI):

1715013008378.png

Kuvaajana numerot näyttävät tältä:

1715013200645.png

Artikkelissa kirjoitetaan että tänä vuonna ajoneuvoja olisi "yli 70 kpl" tosin jää epäselväksi, mitä kaikkea siihen on laskettu mukaan.

Muutaman päivän kuluttua nähdään, tosin vaikka "yli 70 kpl" on enemmän kuin viime vuoden 51 kpl, niin ennen tätä määrät ovat olleet aina selvästi yli 100 kpl ellei jopa lähempänä 200 kpl (poikkeuksena koronaviruksen takia peruttu paraati vuonna 2020).
 
Viimeksi muokattu:
Ei toimi JDAMit Ukrainassa. Kaikilla GNSS/GPS on ollut isoja ongelmia jo viimevuodesta lähtien Ukrainassa. Syy on ihan yksinkertainen, vahva Venäläisten häirintä.

Juurihan oli uutista, että Ukraina on saamassa JDAMista sellaista versiota, joka hakeutuu mm. GPS jammereihin. Ne ja AGM-88 HARM ohjukset, jotka F-16 voi ampua ilmasta havaitsemiinsa maaleihin tulevat tuhoamaan merkittävästi ryssien IT- ja ELSO toimintaan kykeneviä yksikköjä. Noista kun aloittaa ja toiset F-16 pitävät A2A ohjuksilla ryssien hävittäjät kantaman takana niin siinä aukeaa mahdollisuus käyttää koko vanhaa MiG-29, SU-27 ja SU-25 fleettiä etulinjan pommitukseen niin haluttaessa, eli F-16 mahdollistaa sen että koko muusta kalustosta saa enemmän irti ja ne SU-27 kantamat isot JDAMitkin ja tykistön ampumat Excaliburit alkaa läsähtemään kohdilleen.

Muistutuksena, että MiG-29:iin on niitä HARMeja integroitu, mutta maalit on pitänyt ohjelmoida jo maassa eli varma tieto kohteesta on pitänyt olla ennen lentoon lähtöä, mikä ei ole ollenkaan tehokas tapa taistella mobiilia IT-kalustoa vastaan.

Ryssä luottaa niin paljon omaan ilmapuolustukseensa, että asettelee kentille moottorittomia koneita naamioverkkojen alle siinä toivossa, että jokin drooni tai ohjus iskisi niihin eikä toimiviin koneisiin.

 
Viimeksi muokattu:
Juurihan oli uutista, että Ukraina on saamassa JDAMista sellaista versiota, joka hakeutuu mm. GPS jammereihin. Ne ja AGM-88 HARM ohjukset, jotka F-16 voi ampua ilmasta havaitsemiinsa maaleihin tulevat tuhoamaan merkittävästi ryssien IT- ja ELSO toimintaan kykeneviä yksikköjä.

Tässä ainakin yksi lähde. fms tehty Ukrainalle, mutta tuo boldattu ei lupaa kovin nopeaa toimitusta. Valmista tuotetta ei siis ilmeisesti ole.

Yhdysvaltain ilmavoimat hankkii uudenlaisia JDAM-ER-täsmäpommeihin integroitavia hakupäitä, joilla kyetään iskemään suoraan elektroniseen sodankäyntiin, kertoo
The War Zone.

Pentagon on solminut kalifornialaisen SARA:n (Scientific Applications and Research Associates) kanssa noin 23,5 miljoonan dollarin sopimuksen gps-häirintälähettimiin lukittuvien hakupäiden hankinnasta ja niiden integroinnista JDAM:eihin kiinnitettäviin siipirakenteisiin.

Sopimukseen sisältyy FMS-kauppaa (Foreign Military Sales) Ukrainaan.

 
Viimeksi muokattu:
Hieman mysteerinen artikkeli, vaikka en kiistäkään heidän havaintojaan.
Olet oikeassa, linkkasin tämän vain siksi että "hersonin erikoiskissa" on omasta mielestä pääsääntöisesti ihan asiallisia juttuja laittanut.

Vaikea tietysti sanoa kuinka kattavaa ja luotettavaa "liikenteenvalvonta" dataa sillalta saa pidemmällä aikavälillä.

Edit, yhtäkaikki, mikäli sillan saa poikki, niin onhan se taas yksi nöyryytys kääpiölle lisää. Mutta kuten täälläkin joku taisi mainita, ajankohta lienee syytä harkita tarkkaan, koska ryssä mitä ilmeisimmin kohdistaa kostoiskut siviili- infraan, ts ilmapuolustus syytä olla jiirissä.
 
Pitkähkö mutta mielenkiintoinen ranskalainen artikkeli Venäjän talouden tilasta sekä lähitulevaisuudesta (konekäännös, artikkeli julkaistu 24.4.2024):

“War economy”: Russia ceasing payments after 2024?​

The Rubicon in Morse code



  • Pierre-Marie Meunier
  • April 24, 2024

Money remains the sinews of war, in Russia as elsewhere, and the invasion of Ukraine is costing it dearly. With its assets abroad frozen and under massive sanctions, Russia has been forced for two years to draw on its financial reserves, including the National Welfare Fund, its sovereign wealth fund and its main reserve of liquidity at its disposal to balance its budget. In the absence of a major change in its current budgetary trajectory, Russia will see the depletion of this sovereign fund at the end of 2024, with the consequence of an abysmal budget deficit in 2025 that Russia will no longer be able to compensate. A situation that Russia has already experienced once, between 1988 and 1991 in particular, the last years during which it was still called the USSR.

Russia is faced with an insoluble equation: how to finance in the long term a war for which expenses are exploding while budgetary revenues are decreasing, in a context of reinforced sanctions? Between increased taxation, falling hydrocarbon revenues, inflation and employment and investment crises, Russia has embarked on a risky bet from which it will not emerge unscathed. Now spinning at high speed on the momentum of the “war economy”, the top Russia cannot slow down, otherwise it will fall. But momentum could soon run out along with finances. Russia's economic future after 2024 is essentially based on the price of the barrel of the Urals and on the quantities exported, two subjects that are all the more uncertain for Russia in 2024 as, after this date, Russia may no longer be able to rely on depleting financial reserves.

How to interpret the figures for the 2023 Russian budget?

According to the Russian Ministry of Finance, in 2022 , Russia spent 31,131 billion rubles for 27,825 billion in revenue, therefore with a deficit of 3,306 billion (or approximately 33 billion euros, considering that it is necessary in January 2024 approximately 100 rubles for one euro). Noting, however, that inflation was estimated at 13.8% over the year with, unsurprisingly, a GDP deflator high at 15.8%.

Apart from 2020, the year of the pandemic, 2022 is the first year of deficit in the Russian federal budget since the fall of the USSR. Same in 2023 , Russia spends 32,364 billion current rubles over the year (+4% compared to 2022, which would explain part of Russian growth according to the research firm Asterès ) for 29,123 billion in revenue ( almost 5% increase over one year), with a stable deficit on the balance sheet at 3,241 billion rubles (around 32 billion euros).

This apparently linear progression of the different indicators between 2022 and 2023 actually hides significant disparities.

On the spending side , Russia has made no secret of a drastic increase in budgets devoted to defense and security, with military spending estimated at more than 6,000 billion rubles in 2023 (i.e. 3.9% of GDP) against 2.7% in 2021. In the same way, given the pre-election year, social spending has been maintained, or even increased.

On the revenue side, things are more complex. Russian revenues are budgetarily distributed between “hydrocarbon” revenues (oil and gas) and the rest, so-called “non-hydrocarbon” revenues (VAT, income tax, etc.). However, while oil and gas revenues collapsed by 24% between 2022 and 2023, going from 11,586 billion rubles to 8,822, “other”, non-hydrocarbon revenues fell from 16,238 billion rubles to 20 301, up 25% year-on-year.

Concretely, while in 2021, 36% of Russian federal state expenditure is covered by revenues from hydrocarbons, this is only the case for 27% of expenditure in 2023. The difference is apparently made up by this 25% increase in these “other” revenues.

Behind these “other” revenues, we mainly find revenues from VAT (related to domestic production and imports) which represent around 60% of this subtotal. They thus increased by almost 22% over one year, a figure to be compared with Russian growth of 3.5% in 2023.

Second line of revenue, income tax revenue (around 10% of revenue) increased by almost 15%, to be linked to the increase in wages and the very low unemployment rate. The evolution of these two accounting lines – VAT and income tax – is therefore consistent, in terms of trend at least, with what we know about Russia's economic situation.

But there remains around 30% of “other” revenues which are not detailed, but which still saw an increase of 27% between 2022 and 2023: around 5,000 billion rubles in revenue became 6,700 billion in 2023, without it being explained where these sums come from and what explains this significant increase. If it is neither VAT nor income tax, what is it?

A 2023 trade balance in free fall

This increase in Russian revenues in 2023, which remains largely unclear, cannot be explained by the Russian trade balance. Indeed, according to 2023 data from the Russian Central Bank (BCR) recently put online, Russia exports less in 2023 than in 2022, whether goods or services: in value, exports of goods and services fell by 29 and 17% respectively between 2022 and 2023, but imports of goods and services increased by 10 and 5% respectively.

As a result, Russia's trade surplus will barely exceed 50 billion US dollars in 2023, while it was 238 billion in 2022, and 122 billion in 2021, a drop of almost 80% year-on-year. . 2022 was certainly a record year for Russian exports (more by price effect than by volume effect, due in particular to the dizzying rise in gas prices in the summer-autumn of 2022), but that was before Western sanctions on oil come into force.

To give a broader idea, Russian imports of goods and services in 2023 are almost identical in value to those of 2021, the last “ordinary” year: around 304 and 75 billion dollars respectively. On the other hand, from 2021 to 2023 exports of goods and services fell from 494 billion dollars to 422, and from 56 billion dollars to 41, respectively.

If the price of a barrel of Ural crude only experienced a significant dip in 2020 (Covid year), it almost never fell below $55 per barrel after this date. On the other hand, the price of gas fell significantly in 2023 after the peaks of 2022. The drop in export revenues in 2023 is therefore probably due to the drop in gas prices, combined with the loss of European customers: 40% of European gas came from Russia before 2022 compared to 15% at the end of 2023 .

The 2023 Russian trade balance simply confirms what the figures from the Ministry of Finance were already saying: the increase in Russian budgetary revenues would come primarily from the increase in taxation in Russia (excluding VAT and income tax). From September 2022, the Russian government has decided to make tax contributions to oil and gas companies, with the stated aim of recovering 628 billion rubles from 2023 . Voted in August 2023 , an additional tax of 10% on profits was decided for companies with more than $10 million in turnover in Russia, including foreign companies. If this text initially spares companies in the oil and gas sector, the government decided a month later to also increase taxes on this sector. This time he hopes to withdraw around $37 billion in taxes over the period 2023-2025. However, it is not obvious that this fiscal objective will be achieved, considering for example that Gazprom's income having collapsed by 40% in 2023 compared to 2022 and by 42% compared to 2021 , another record year before 2022. As a result, the company pays significantly less taxes than before: if the company were the first contributor to the state budget in 2022 with 5,380 billion rubles paid , it would have to pay “only” 2,500 billion rubles in 2023 (i.e. less than in 2021 with 3,310 billion rubles that year), despite the increase in taxation.

It is therefore difficult to consider that the increases in Russian revenues are entirely based on the increase in taxation, which does not prevent the Russian government from already thinking about the next tax increases.

Drains from the National Welfare Fund

In addition to the loans that Russia can still contract on its domestic market (around 2,500 billion rubles in 2023), the share of "unknown" origin of Russian revenue would also probably come from significant drains on the Russian reserve fund, its large sovereign fund, the National Welfare Fund (NWF) – the Russian “nest egg” into which oil revenues are normally deposited to finance pensions and infrastructure.

Indeed, in January 2024, we can read, in a cryptic press release from the Russian Ministry of Finance on the use of the NWF, the following: “part of the funds from the National Social Protection Fund deposited in accounts with the Bank of Russia in the amount of 114,947 million Chinese yuan, 232,584 kg of gold in impersonal form and 573 million euros were sold for 2,900,000 million rubles. The revenue was credited to a single account in the federal budget to finance its deficit. » Over the whole of 2023, Russia withdrew 2,900 billion rubles, or around 29 billion euros, from its “savings account”.

It is therefore not a priori a question of "budgetary revenue", but of a consumption of financial reserves, all the more necessary since Russia no longer has access to international financial markets: Russia is considered to be in default of payment since 2022. Sanctioned by both the EU and the United States, it cannot issue debt in dollars or euros. The principle is not necessarily very embarrassing for Russia because, with the exception of 2020, it has always managed to generate a budget surplus. But Russia is now "forbidden to overdraft" by Western countries (knowing that even China is showing itself more and more reluctant to finance Russia): whether it has a low or even non-existent debt is of no importance considering that it can no longer really go into debt, as Western states do. The federal state budget deficit must therefore be financed differently.

This use of the NWF is in any case not exceptional, it had already taken place in 2022 for an amount of 2,412 billion rubles , the Russian Ministry of Finance having sold off its reserves of Japanese yen, dollars and of pounds sterling, currencies deemed “toxic” by the Russian authorities. The 2023 drain was not unexpected either: the Russian Ministry of Finance announced it in August 2023 . In the same press release, he also announced the amount planned for 2024: 1,300 billion rubles, an amount therefore twice as low. Does 2024 look better for Russian finances? Nothing is less sure.

The economic context of Russia

Already, the 2024 growth prospects are more measured than those for 2023. The Russian central bank (BCR) is still on a forecast of 0.5 to 1.5% . If the IMF has recently been more optimistic (between 1.5 and 2.6% ), the World Bank is more measured . In any case, let us remember that Russian growth is artificial growth, “purchased on credit”. It is a Russian-style Keynesianism, aimed primarily at the military-industrial complex, as explained by Alexandra Prokopenko , former BCR official and speaker today for the Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center. At the end of December 2023, the BCR also warned of a risk of overheating in the Russian economy .

This overheating is seen first and foremost in the Russian unemployment rate, because below a certain threshold of frictional unemployment (job changes, professional transitions, training, etc.), an unemployment rate equivalent to that currently experienced by Russia Russia above all reflects a labor shortage: at the end of 2023, the Russian media reported a labor shortage estimated at 4.8 million jobs . In August 2023, the Russian Minister of Digital Development already mentioned a shortage of 500 to 700,000 workers in the IT fields, in addition to the 400,000 unfilled positions in the defense industry, which is in high demand at the moment. This problem of lack of IT workers in particular could compromise the future of certain Russian flagships such as Yandex, whose “ nationalization” Russia has just finalized at great expense . According to Oleg Deripaska, Russian oligarch in the metallurgy and mining sector, the basic problem is above all that of investment in production structures, with industries that are too poorly automated compared to their Western equivalents and therefore still highly labor intensive. of work. This reality is particularly glaring in the production of armored vehicles , these being mainly assembled “by hand” in factories poorly equipped with assembly robotics, for example.

Investment is probably one of Russia's major problems for the years to come, in addition to inflation: it is very expensive for Russian companies to take on debt to invest currently given the prohibitive interest rates practiced, with the Russian central bank maintaining a key rate at 16% for the moment . For many Russian companies, there are no possible investments either with debt ratios which have exploded due to the fall in valuations: the RTSI stock index is down 40% compared to October 2021 (the MOEX index lost nearly 25% over the same period), date of the first concerns about a Russian invasion of Ukraine, knowing in addition that the real valuation of Russian companies, particularly those recently placed under government responsibility , is highly questionable .

Added to this internal constraint in Russia is the fall in foreign investments in Russia, in reality representing a real disinvestment given the sales of assets of companies leaving Russia: $27 billion in foreign investments in 2021, against 40 billion withdrawals in 2022 and 8 billion in 2023. The consequences of the labor shortage and limited investments in infrastructure ( 1.3% of GDP between 1995 and 2016 ) are starting to be seen , to the point that even the Russian media were forced to talk about serial accidents on urban heating networks, among other things.

Concerning inflation, this is the BCR's number one concern for the years to come. In November 2023 , when presenting its forecasts for 2024, the BCR mentioned a “Risk scenario” in these terms: if inflation becomes “out of control”, the BCR could then be required to raise its key rate to 16 or 17% in 2024. This was a month before raising its key rate to 16%, with inflation in 2023 estimated at 7.5%, far from the range of 4 to 4.5% desired by the BCR. Still according to the BCR, which chooses its words carefully , the persistence of high inflation is due to “domestic demand which exceeds the growth in production capacity for goods and services much more than estimated”. However, given the labor shortage, the fall in certain investments ( $315 billion in “stocks” of foreign direct investments in September 2023 compared to 442 in December 2022 for example) and the ambitions of the Kremlin to further increase military spending in 2024, it is very unlikely that inflation will decrease in 2024. In January 2024, the BCR reported inflation still being high during its first press release of the year on this subject.


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Artikkeli on pitkä joten jälkimmäinen puolisko alla olevassa viestissä.
 
Tässä loput edellisessä viestissä jaetusta ranskalaisen artikkelin konekäännöksestä:

Russia's 2024 budget forecasts

“Putin is financing his war today with money planned for the future,” perfectly summed up Boris Grozovski , a Russian journalist, in November 2023. But the future may well not be the one Russia expected. The British Ministry of Defense was among the first to express skepticism about Russia's budgetary targets for 2024, in a statement dated February 5, 2024 . He considers the achievement of these objectives “unlikely”. Indeed, if the Russian government plans an increase in spending of 26% in 2024 , to reach 36,600 billion rubles, the Russian government also plans revenue to amount to 35,065 rubles, or a 22% increase, with with oil and gas revenue expected to increase by 25%.

In terms of spending, the 2023 trend therefore continues: compared to the period before the invasion of Ukraine, in 2024 Russia will have tripled its military spending, with the defense budget now representing 40% of government spending. State against 14 to 16% before 2022.

In terms of revenue, however, Russia has a much less clear horizon. In October 2023, Anton Siluanov, the Minister of Finance of Russia, already announced that the use of borrowing on the domestic market would be significantly lower than expected. Chinese banks, among the last foreign banks still present on Russian territory, are in the process of drastically limiting their exposure in Russia according to Russian media . In January 2024, Bloomberg already reported a decline in China's financial support for Russian entities following pressure from the US State Department.
Despite planned future tax increases , it is not certain that tax revenues will increase in 2024 in the same proportions as in 2023, which is why the Russian government is pinning much of its "hopes" on completing its 2024 budget on increasing oil revenues. But to do this, several conditions must be met, the first being a Brent price of around $85 per barrel in 2024 and a Ural price of at least $60 per barrel .

This is the budgetary crest line on which the Russian government will have to advance in 2024: Russia needs a high Ural barrel (beyond the Western Cape price ) and a low ruble (to mechanically generate more rubles from the same amount paid), but not too low either, so as not to create imported inflation, in addition to the inflation already underway. As explained by Ronald Smith , senior analyst for BCS World of Investments in Moscow, the Russian budget is especially sensitive to the price of a barrel, much more than to production volumes, the latter having remained stable compared to 2021.

Except that revenues from Russian oil exports are not increasing for the moment compared to 2023 (the Russian budget however expects a 25% increase in these revenues this year). Added to the vagaries of the market are uncertainties about the effects of the Ukrainian strikes on Russian refineries: in a few days, the Ukrainian strikes damaged three refineries representing 12% of Russian refining capacities. While the subject might initially seem more symbolic than anything else, Russian export figures for January 2024 indicate a decline in export volumes . On specific oil products like gasoline and diesel, Russian exports fell by 37% and 23% respectively in January 2024. According to Torbjörn Törnqvist , CEO of Gunvor Group, Russian production was cut by 600,000 barrels per day following the strikes in mid-March 2024. All this is happening against a backdrop of a general decline in Russia's oil revenues after the February-March 2022 peak .

The limited reserves of the National Welfare Fund

Without a sufficient increase in oil revenues and tax revenues, Russia could very quickly be forced to dip into the NWF again. It should be remembered here that this is normally supplemented by oil revenues . However, these fell by 24% in 2023, effectively compromising the replenishment of the fund. This does not prevent Russian Finance Minister Anton Silouanov from already announcing new cuts as he did in October 2023 : he announced at that time that he would still remain within the NWF 6700 billion rubles at the end of 2024, compared to 13,700 billion in September 2023. Would Russia therefore keep reserves for the future? Anton Silouanov's statement only confirms the seriousness of the situation for Russia: if we rely on these figures, which are intended to be reassuring, Russia will be running out of financial reserves at the end of 2024.

To understand this, we must understand the composition of the NWF, which is not a liquid savings account from which it is possible to withdraw money with the snap of a finger. The NWF is in reality made up of a multitude of assets and securitized investments, investment accounts and other bond investments, but 90% of its “face value” is actually based on two asset classes: shares of Russian companies and liquidity (gold and foreign currency reserves). However, of everything that makes up the NWF, only the liquidity can actually be used to replenish the state budget and finance the war. And this liquidity is evaporating.

As of January 1 , 2022, the NWF totaled 13,565 billion rubles, then 10,434 billion on January 1 , 2023, and 11,965 billion on January 1 , 2024. Note that in October 2023, the fund shows well approximately 13,700 billion rubles , as indicated by Anton Siluanov. Apparently, the face value of the fund changes little, and after a drop in 2022, it finally rose again in 2023. Except that the displayed amount of these reserves is faked, especially if we look at the amount of liquidity: 8,432 billion rubles in 2022, 6132 in 2023, 5011 in 2024. To give another idea, Russia went from 113 billion dollars in reserves to 56 billion in two years (taking into account the exchange rate). A year ago, for example, the NWF still had 10 billion euros, 310 billion yuan in foreign currency and 554 tons of gold. As of January 1 , 2024, there are no euros left (nor any hard currency), there are 227 billion yuan and 358 tons of gold remaining.

This was already the case in August 2023 , but it is even worse today. Through an accounting sleight of hand, Russia camouflages the falls in liquidity by adding shares of Russian companies in which the Russian state takes stakes: between January 2022 and August 2023, the share of shares of companies Russians in the NWF thus increased from 26 to 33% while its “face value” remained approximately unchanged. This share is 38% in January 2024. Not only are these non-liquid assets (you cannot pay for the import of components of a T-90M with shares) but above all their real valuation is completely unverifiable. and probably very largely overestimated: it is difficult to imagine, for example, that the valuation of Aeroflot has not changed since 2021, which is nevertheless what the NWF accounting suggests.

Finally, if we subtract from the total current amount of the NWF (11,965 billion) the entire liquidity (5,011 billion), we obtain 6,900 billion, or approximately the amount that Anton Silouanov announced for the end of 2024 (6,700 billion). What the Russian Finance Minister announced in October 2023 was therefore the total consumption, or close to it, of Russia's financial reserves at the end of 2024, in a context of strong uncertainties over tax revenues and revenues. oil companies this year.

Center of gravity

In terms of strategy, the effectiveness of action is based on the identification of the adversary's center of gravity, that is to say the point of his device (material or immaterial) on which our action will have the maximum impact. effects. In addition to underestimating Ukrainian resistance, Russia made the mistake of thinking that Europe's dependence on Russian gas, in the context of the catastrophic US disengagement from Afghanistan, would be our center of seriousness and that action in this direction would dissuade us from intervening and supporting Ukraine. This was the whole issue – and the failure – of the Russian gas embargo decided in the summer of 2022. Conversely, even if some have advanced the speed of the process, the West does not is not mistaken in sanctioning Russia economically and financially: like the USSR before it, Russia may not have the means to achieve its ambitions for long.

After having deprived itself of its main customers and outlets in Europe, Russia is now forced to burn its financial reserves to continue its war in Ukraine. These reserves are in the process of being exhausted: by the end of 2024, if we rely on the statements of the Russian Minister of Finance and the accounting details of his ministry's press releases, Russia will have exhausted the NWF's liquidity reserves. In a degraded economic context (inflation), without the possibility of raising debt on the financial markets, with less support from Chinese banks still present in Russia and without the prospect of sufficient oil and gas revenues, Russia could find itself in "cessation". payment” at short notice.

If Russia still has the financial capacities necessary for 2024 to finance all of the budgetary items responsible for the federal state – including the invasion of Ukraine – due to its financial reserves, the situation could change as soon as 2025. As federal government revenues (export and tax revenues) are insufficient to cover expenses (and the difference can no longer be covered by recourse to reserves), Russia could therefore quickly be forced to make budgetary choices drastic, in terms of eliminating certain expenses or increasing taxes. While it is unlikely that military spending will be affected in the short term, we could however see the reduction or elimination of many social or investment spending. It should also be remembered that the purpose of the National Welfare Fund was initially the payment of Russian pensions. Its depletion could have important social consequences for an aging Russian population. In a country where more than half of the population lives directly on state subsidies, with more than 13% poverty in 2021 (although poverty criteria are much lower than in the West) and where 62% of Russians have neither savings nor the means to pay for more than clothes and food, the long-term risk for Russia is to find itself in an economic situation identical to that which preceded the fall of the USSR.

Photo credits: scaliger

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Pierre-Marie Meunier

Pierre-Marie Meunier is a former military intelligence officer, and currently director of operations for a communications consultancy firm. He graduated with a double master's degree in information/communication and international relations.


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JOS uskotaan tämän artikkelin analyysiä niin ryssän kansallisen hyvinvointirahaston "hyödyllinen osuus" olisi loppuunkulutettu vuoden 2024 loppuun mennessä.

Tämän jälkeen kyky rahoittaa valtion menoja sekä sotaa Ukrainassa riippuu vahvasti öljyn ja kaasun (sekä muiden vientiartikkelien) hinnasta sekä vientimäärästä. Mistä syystä Ukrainan iskut tätä vastaan voivat saada näennäistä kokoaan suuremman merkityksen, varsinkin jos iskut ovat hyvin purevia.

Öljyn ja kaasun myymisen lisäksi erilaisten menojen kuten sosiaalisten etuuksien, eläkkeiden yms. maksamisesta leikkaaminen ja erilaisten verojen korottaminen entisestään ovat ns. tulojen lähde/menojen leikkaus, tosin miten pitkälle nämä kantavat, sitä voi vain arvailla.

Jos en muista väärin, ryssän taloutta tarkasti seuraava Stanimir Dobrev on kommentoinut aikaisemmin että vuoden 2024 menojen rahoituksen pitäisi olla "hallinnassa" mutta vuodesta 2025 tulisi jo selvästi vaikeampi, sen jälkeisistä vuosista puhumattakaan.

Valtioiden kokoisilla toimijoilla on tietysti erilaisia keinoja "pitää pää pinnan yläpuolella" mutta nämä ovat enenevässä määrin erilaisia taikatemppuja joilla uhrataan kansan ja valtion tulevaisuus ja hyvinvointi lyhyen aikavälin tavoitteiden ja menojen alttarilla.
 
Jos puhutaan hyökkäyksestä, niin sitten puhutaan hyökkäyksestä. Silloin yksittäinen sinkomies/partio ei todellakaan ole puolustuksen tasa, korkeintaan joku etuvartio. Ja pataljoonaa pienemmällä ei kannata hyökätä, koska pienemmällä porukalla ei riitä paukut murtautua syvyyteen. Johan se nähtiin kun yritettiin joukkueilla ja komppanioilla päästä eteenpäin. "Parilla vaunulla kokeilu" ei ole hyökkäystä, vaan lähinnä juuri taistelutiedustelua. Molemmilla osapuolilla on alla NL-aikainen perinne jossa pyritään jatkuvasti pitämään painetta yllä partioinnilla ja taistelutiedustelulla, ja pistintä tökkimällä etsimään heikkoja kohtia.

Mutta enivei, nuo pienenkin mittakaavan kuviot tapahtuu osana jotain suurempaa (komppanian tai pataljoonan) tavoitetta. Ja se suurempi tavoite on se millä on merkitystä, jollain vajaan joukkueen hyökkäyksillä ei ole mitään väliä kun puhutaan kymmeniä kilsoja syvien puolustusten läpi pääsemisestä. Se tässä Twitter-klippien ylianalysoinnissa on juuri se ongelma, että 1) me nähdään vain se mitä meidän halutaan näkevän, ts. vihollisen tyrimiset ja omat onnistumiset, ja 2) 30 sekunnin klippi on väkisinkin irroitettu yhteydestään jolloin yksittäisistä pätkistä ei voi vetää mitään pitkälle vietyjä johtopäätöksiä siitä, miksi kenenkin hyökkäykset ja vastahyökkäykset epäonnistui.

Tämä menee nyt sanamuodoilla saivarteluksi, eli toisin sanoen Ukraina käy hyökätessään taistelutiedustelua :sneaky: Pitäisin nyt ehkä kuitenkin yleisemmällä tasolla ymmärrettävämpänä termiä kulutussota.

En siis edelleenkään puhu niistä kesän ensimmäisistä läpimurto yrityksistä vaan sen jälkeisestä toiminnasta missä kokoonpanot pilkottiin tosiaan entistä pienempiin osiin. Itse en henk. koht. usko että sen jälkeen hyökkäävässä toiminnassa on ollut paljoakaan realistista isompaa tavoitetta taustalla (uskon enemmän sen hetkiseen paineeseen saada edes jotain aikaan/näyttää että yritetään). Paitsi tietysti kuluttaa ryssää joka kyllä onnistuu huomattavasti paremmalla hyötysuhteella vasta juuri nyt kun ryssä on se joka jatkuvasti puskee päälle. Hyökkääminen vailla läpimurron edellytyksiä jos joku on kuluttavaa.

Selvyyden vuoksi, lähisuojamiesten ei tarvitse olla ps-jääkäreitä (vaikka yleensä on), ja samaten vaunuissa kulkevan jalkaväen ei tarvitse olla ps-jääkäreitä (vaikka todellakin mielellään olisi). Olen minäkin ollut harjoituksissa missä takakonttiin työnnettiin kaikki käden ulottuvilta löytyneet, kivääriä kantamaan kyenneet henkilö-oletetut.

Pointti oli siinä, että käyttämäsi "suojamiehitys" ei ensinnäkään terminä (enkä ole ollenkaan varma onko se edes PV:n käyttämä käsite) kerro puhutaanko joukon koulutuksesta, joukolle käsketystä tehtävästä vai siirtymismuodosta vaan kaikki kolme tuntuvat olevan leivottu sinne sujuvasti sekaisin. Eli selvyyden vuoksi, vaunun kannella voi kulkea 1) lähisuojamiehiä 2) panssarijääkäreitä 3) armeijakunnan esikunnan sotilaskeittäjiä. Tai sitten ne tulevat omissa ajoneuvoissaan. Jos kuljetaan vaunun kannella, niin silloin kuljetaan kansiryhmityksessä, jos kuljetaan jalan vaunuja saattaen niin sitten mennään saattoryhmityksessä. Ei missään suojamiehityksessä.

Lähisuojamiehiksi voidaan alistaa tehtävän mukaan sakkia jostain random-porukasta, tai sitten leipoa ne jo rauhan aikana organisaatioon. Yleensä mennään tilanteen mukaan. Edellä mainitun kolmen ryhmän tehtävänä voi siis jalkautumisen jälkeen olla toimia lähisuojamiehinä, ps-jääkäreinä, tai sotilaskeittäjinä. Koulutus ja tehtävä on siis irrallisia asioita, ja sen takia vaunun lähisuojamiesten tulisi kyllä tietää onko heidän tehtävänsä suojata vaunua vai vyöryttää asemia, ihan samalla tavalla kuin ps-jalkaväen tulisi tietää oma tehtävänsä. Jos tosiaan mennään niin että kannelle vaan lapataan väkeä eikä kukaan tiedä mikä maa mikä valuutta, niin eihän siitä toiminnasta mitään tule. Siinähän alkaa jalkauduttua kauhea kalabaliikki kun kaikki ihmettelee että "mitä täs ny tarttis tehrä", mikä ei todellakaan sovi panssarisodankäyntiin missä painotetaan nopeutta. Eli se kertoo enemmän koulutuksen ja osaamisen tasosta sitten.

Putosin jo aikaa sitten kärryiltä mitä tässä enää haemme, alkuperäinen kirjoittaja puhui kritiikistä suojamiesten puutteeseen vaunun ympärillä ja viittasi dronen olevan paikalla sitä varten.

Se että vaunuilla kurmotetaan jotain yksittäisiä ohjusasemia tms. tai käytetään niitä epäsuorana tai muuten "väärin" ja teorian vastaisesti, kertoo minusta enemmänkin siitä, että joukkojen keskittäminen ja yllätyksen saavuttaminen on äärimmäisen vaikeaa. Tekijöitä on mielestäni nuo kolme jotka aiemmin luettelin: 1) halpojen joka-sään sensorien levinneisyys tuottaa molemmille osapuolille valtavan määrän tiedustelutietoa, 2) informaation kulku on nopeutunut radikaalisti, em. sensorien tuottamaa tiedustelutietoa on käytettävissä reaaliajassa, ja erilaisilla viesti- ja taistelunjohtojärjestelmillä (jopa mallilla WhatsApp) se on käytettävissä reaaliajassa, niin halutessa jopa kokonaan toisten organisaatioiden tuottama tieto, 3) asejärjestelmien ametit, tuhovoima ja volyymi on kasvaneet valtavasti siitä kun nykyiset taktiikat ja operaatio-opin kirjat on kehitetty. Ensimmäinen ja toinen kohta johtavat suoraan paikallisen yllätyksen menetykseen ja siihen, että puolustajan on entistä helpompi havaita hyökkäyksen painopiste, ja kohdentaa vastatoimia sinne missä tahansa hyökkäyksen vaiheessa. Teoriassahan systeemi tosiaan menee niin, että vaunuilla vahvennettu mekanisoitu joukko tekee murtoaukon, josta panssarijoukot syötetään syvyyteen. Jos mekanisoitu joukko ei siihen kykene, niin panssariyhtymä tekee itse läpimurtonsa. Nyt siihen ei tunnu kykenevän kumpikaan, ja molempien (jv + psv) toiminta on alentunut komppania->joukkuetason touhuksi.

Juurikin näin, ja minä kutsun sitä kulutussodaksi vailla mitään isompien kokoonpanojen tavoitteita ko. toiminnan toiminnan perään.
 
Toki kummankin perustana on alkuperäinen Neuvostoliiton aikaan valmistettu MiG-31 kone, mutta modernisoinnin yhteydessä runko ja siivet on vähintään tarkistettu, ehkä jopa vahvistettu (en muista että olisin kuullut esim. siipien korvaamisesta).
Meidän pitää luottaa siihen, että venäläiset tarkastavat Mig-31 koneiden rungot ja siivet yhtä hyvin kun kaikki muutkin tekniset laitteensa ,mukaan lukien yleisen infrastruktuurin ylläpidon ja kunnostuksen. Venäläinen infrastuktuuri ja sen hieno kunto onkin venäläisten yhteinen ylpeydenaihe. Kaikki on niin hienoa, toimivaa ja hyvässä kunnossa. Varsinkin padot ovat tämän kevään ylpeyden aihe.
 
Trent Telenko pohdiskelee tuoreeltaan nähtyä "ilmatorjuntameridronea":

The problem with most drones is their lack of situational awareness due to narrow field of view sensors.

Once the VKS helicopter got close enough to see the missiles.

It also saw they were fixed rail and could intelligently maneuver to avoid giving the boat-drone a shot.

A 360 degree traversable missile launcher is going to be needed on these boat-drones along with four of Ukraine's smart phone based audio sensors looking for helicopter rotor slap direction to train the launcher too for this trick to be effective.



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En ehkä menisi noin pitkälle että tarvitaan 360 astetta kääntyvä "torni", koska nämä vesiskootterin tai pienen moottoriveneen kaltaiset kevyet dronet ovat kohtuullisen vikkeliä liikkeissään, jos kääntymiselle on tarvetta.

JOS oletetaan että ongelma on rajallinen näkökenttä, mistä syystä kopteria ei havaita tietyissä suunnissa, niin silloin pelkkien "korvien" lisääminen droneen voisi riittää. Eli jos saadaan äänen perusteella ennakkovaroitus kopterista sekä ehkä myös karkea suunta suhteessa droneen, drone voidaan kääntää ajoissa katsomaan oikeaan suuntaan.

En lähtisi lisäämään tarpeetonta määrää erilaisia mekanismeja, jos riittävä suorituskyky voidaan saavuttaa vähemmälläkin. Toki 360 astetta kääntyvällä "tornilla" on ehdottomasti enemmän etuja, jos tarkastellaan pelkästään suorituskykyä eri tilanteissa eikä murehdita monimutkaisuudesta tai hinnasta lainkaan.

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MUOKKAUS: tässä se mitä ryssäläinen fighterbomber Telegram-kanava on kirjoittanut näistä droneista:

1715018858249.png

 
Viimeksi muokattu:
Eikös nuo ryssään paraati T-34:t ostettu kaiken lisäksi Pohjois koreasta ?
:ROFLMAO:

Muutamien kommenttien mukaan viime vuoden paraatissa nähty T-34 olisi ollut (mahdollisesti) Tsekkoslovakiassa valmistettu.

Tosin muistan että ryssä osti muutama vuosi sitten T-34 panssarivaunuja olikohan Vietnamilta (ehkä muistan väärin), väitetysti erilaisissa elokuvissa ja muissa propagandaprojekteissa käytettäväksi.

MUOKKAUS: tuossahan se sanotaankin ylempänä (LINKKI) eli T-34 vaunut myynyt maa oli Laos eikä Vietnam.
 
Viimeksi muokattu:
Yksityiskohtia tämän päivän Su-34 koneen menetyksestä (väitetään moottorivaurioksi ja koneen sanotaan pudonneen Valuyki nimisen paikan seudulle, Belgorodin alueelle eli varsinaisen Venäjän alueelle):

Alleged location of today's Su-34 loss

https://t.me/dosye_shpiona/522


Spy Dossier

Regarding the Su-34 disaster.

Today there was a plane crash of a Su-34 fighter-bomber of the Russian Aerospace Forces.

The crew died.


Crew members: Evgeny Kuznetsov and Vladimir Strelkov.

The plane belonged to the 47th Bomber Aviation Regiment of the 105th Mixed Aviation Division of the Russian Aerospace Forces ( A/E Baltimore, Voronezh ) .

The fighter was performing a combat mission in the area of the village. Valuyki, Belgorod region . Previously, the disaster occurred due to engine failure .

The crew did not have time to eject.

@dosye_shpiona
t.me/dosye_shpiona/522
5.2KviewsMay 6 at 21:28

1715020877421.png


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Valuyki sijainti kartalla (kartan lähde: LINKKI)

1715021290311.png
 
Viimeksi muokattu:
Lievä OT, mutta Telegraph on kirjoittanut artikkelin helmikuussa tapahtuneesta bundeswehrin tietovuodosta.

Löydökset saksaisten it turvasta eivät mairittele:

-Yli 6000 kokouksen asia- ja osallistujalista oli nähtävillä netissä julkisella puolella
- Käytössä ollut Webex kokousjärjestelmä oli kyllä bundeswehrin servereillä, mutta sinne sai liittyä myös ulkopuolelta. Riitti kun käytti oikeaa urlia, missä oli käytössä juokseva numerointi (esim bundeswehr.de/webex/meeting01 ja sitten .../meeting02)
- Useita kokouksia, jopa niitä top secret kokouksia missä scholtz oli mukana, on pidetty samalla protokollalla ilman mitään salasanasuojausta


 
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