Ukrainan konflikti/sota

Belgorodin alueella Venäjällä on kuultu maanantaina kovaääninen räjähdys, kertoo uutistoimisto Reuters. Se perustaa tiedon silminnäkijälausuntoon alueelta.

Belgorodin alue sijaitsee Länsi-Venäjällä Ukrainan rajan tuntumassa.

Silminnäkijän mukaan räjähdys ravisutti ikkunoita. Räjähdyksen syy tai mahdollisten tuhojen laajuus ei ole toistaiseksi selvillä.
Presidentti Volodymyr Zelenskyin mukaan ihmisiä on kuollut ja haavoittunut eri puolille Ukrainaa tehdyissä iskuissa.

– He yrittävät tuhota meidät ja poistaa meidät maan päältä, Zelenskyi totesi viitaten Venäjään uutistoimisto Reutersin mukaan.

Ukrainan presidentinkanslia on vahvistanut tiedon siitä, että Ukraina on ohjushyökkäysten kohteena.

Zelenskyi kommentoi tilannetta pian sen jälkeen, kun iskuista eri puolille Ukrainaa oli uutisoitu. Ainakin Kiovassa, Lvivissä, Ternopilissa ja Dniprossa on raportoitu räjähdyksiä maanantaina.
YK:n yleiskokouksen on määrä äänestää tällä viikolla päätöslauselmaluonnoksesta, joka tuomitsisi Venäjän aikeet liittää neljä Ukrainaan kuuluvaa aluetta itseensä.

Venäjä käytti aiemmin veto-oikeuttaan YK:n turvallisuusneuvoston esittämää vastaavaan päätöslauselmaa vastaan. Venäjä on yksi neuvoston pysyvistä jäsenmaista.

YK:n yleiskokouksessa vastaavaa veto-oikeutta ei ole, vaan kullakin 193 YK:n jäsenmaasta on käytössään yksi ääni.

EU:n YK-lähettiläs Olof Skoogin mukaan päätöslauselma on "äärimmäisen tärkeä".

– Jos YK-järjestelmä ja kansainvälinen yhteisö yleiskokouksen kautta ei reagoi tällaiseen laittomaan yritykseen, olisimme hyvin, hyvin pahassa paikassa, Skoog kommentoi asiaa uutistoimisto AFP:n mukaan
Kaikki Kertšinsalmen sillan räjähdyksessä viittaa siihen, että räjähdyksen aiheutti rekkapommi, arvioi Puolustusvoimien logistiikkalaitoksen apulaisjohtaja, insinööriprikaatikenraali Juha-Matti Ylitalo Ylen aamussa.

Ylitalon mukaan viitteitä on ollut siitä, että pommikuormassa on ollut korkean lämpötilan termopommi ja sytyttävää soihtumateriaalia, joilla on saatu polttoainelastissa ollut junakuorma syttymään. Korkean lämpötilan pommit ovat Ylitalosta haastavia, koska niillä on vaikutusta teräsbetonirakenteiden lujuuksiin.

Ylitalon mukaan Kertšinsalmen sillan kaltaisessa iskussa vaikeinta on päästä hyvin valvotulle alueelle ja oikea-aikaisesti.

– Aika-ajoitus on mielenkiintoinen, jos on ollut jopa tarkoitus iskeä sekä maantie- että rautatieyhteyksiin, mutta myös merikuljetuksiin. Jos räjähdys kansirakenteen huippukohdassa olisi ollut täydellinen, vaikutukset meriliikenteeseen olisivat voineet olla suuremmat, Ylitalo sanoo.

Ylitalo arvioi, että isku saavutti tavoitteensa. Ennen kaikkea tapahtumat olivat isku Venäjän narratiiviin.

– Käytettiin ei-kaukaa vaikuttavaa asetta. Tultiin valvotulle alueelle, Ylitalo sanoo.
 
Forbesin artikkeli lähivastustajasta eli 80. mot.prikaatista. Taistelevat tällä hetkellä Khersonissa, Venäjän kaavittua kaikki joukkonsa minkä minnekin.

Poroprikaati taistelee, toivon mukaan kalustosta ei kohta poroja kummempaa enää löydykään:


Ei maksumuuria, kopio artikkelista:

Russia’s Reindeer Brigade Is Fighting For Its Survival In Southern Ukraine​

David Axe04:51pm EDT
uncaptioned

The 80th Separate Motorized Rifle Brigade.
Russian army photo
In late 2014, the Kremlin organized a new army brigade for a new kind of war. Anticipating escalating tensions in the resource-rich—and rapidly thawing—Arctic region, the army combined two existing motorized rifle battalions with supporting artillery, air-defense and engineer units, equipped them with specialized cold-weather vehicles and placed them under the banner of the 80th Separate Motorized Rifle Brigade in Alakurtti near Russia’s border with Finland.
Eight years later, the 80th SMRB is fighting for its life in an environment it never planned for—the wide-open farms of southern Ukraine’s breadbasket around the port of Kherson. Under attack by the Ukrainian army’s battle-hardened 128th Mountain Brigade, the 80th SMRB and whatever remains of a Russian navy coastal-defense brigade—another unit that’s out of its element—are falling back toward Beryslav, a town whose durable crossing over the Dnipro River makes it an obvious location for a last stand before Russian troops quit Kherson Oblast.
The 80th SMRB sat out the first few months of Russia’s wider war in Ukraine starting in late February. It along with the heavier 200th Separate Motorized Rifle Brigade remained at their posts near Finland as Finland—reacting swiftly to the Russian invasion of Ukraine—moved to join NATO.
As Russian losses mounted over the summer—then exceeding 50,000 killed and wounded, by some estimates—the Kremlin began pulling brigades from, well, everywhere—and rushing them to Ukraine. The 80th SMRB began showing up in northeast Ukraine in July. By this fall, the brigade was in Kherson Oblast, fighting alongside naval infantry and the army’s 49th Combined Arms Army as the Ukrainians launched a broad counteroffensive in the region.
The 80th SMRB wasn’t an obvious choice to reinforce Kherson. Its original equipment—wide-track MT-LB armored tractors and BTR-82 wheeled fighting vehicles—was meant for Arctic operations. The 80th SMRB’s troopers had trained to fight in snow, sometimes even using snowmobiles, dog-sleds and reindeer for mobility.

But the Kremlin long ago stopped trying to optimize its forces for the battlefield. Steep losses, and an utterly broken mobilization system, compelled the Russians to make do with whatever forces they could scrape from the existing order of battle. Russian deployments got even more chaotic as the Ukrainian counteroffensives gained momentum, in the east as well as in the south.
Today the 80th SMRB is damaged and retreating. Whether it succeeds in holding fast around Beryslav and stalling if not stopping Ukrainian attacks northeast of Kherson depends more on what the Ukrainians choose to do than it does on any options the Kremlin might still have. The leadership in Kyiv apparently aims to launch a third counteroffensive aimed at occupied Mariupol, an operation that could cut the Russian army in Ukraine in half.
A Mariupol counteroffensive would need a lot of brigades—and might require the Ukrainians to slow the counteroffensives in the east and south in order to shift forces toward the center. Ukrainian economy of force could spare the 80th SMRB immediate embarrassment.
In that case, the Russian Arctic brigade might actually get a chance to fight in conditions it trained for. Winter is coming in Ukraine. The first few months are wet and muddy. Then, it gets cold, snowy and frozen. Not as cold, snowy and frozen as the Arctic, but maybe close enough for the 80th SMRB.
 
Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskiy has issued a response to this morning’s series of attacks on Ukrainian cities. He has posted to Telegram:

They are trying to destroy us and wipe us off the face of the earth. Destroy our people who are sleeping at home in Zaporizhzhia. Kill people who go to work in Dnipro and Kyiv. The air alarm does not subside throughout Ukraine. There are missiles hitting. Unfortunately, there are dead and wounded. Please do not leave shelters. Take care of yourself and your loved ones. Let’s hold on and be strong.
The message was accompanied by a video clip showing the aftermath of the strike on Kyiv, showing wrecked cars, buildings with shattered windows, and fires burning in the street.
A power line that was cut by shelling of the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant has been restored, according to the chief of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).

“Engineers restored external power to Zaporizhzhya NPP today, a day after the facility lost the connection to this last remaining operating power line due to shelling — enabling ZNPP to start switching off its emergency diesel generators,” the IAEA said.
Putin is expected to convene his national security council on Monday to discuss the blast that hit the strategically and symbolically important Kerch bridge linking Russian-occupied Crimea to the Russian mainland.

Some believe the meeting is an ominous indication that Moscow may be planning to escalate the conflict with Ukraine – after a chorus of public demands from hardliners for retaliation.

It also comes in the context of Russia’s growing nuclear brinkmanship around the nine-month-old war.

Kremlin-installed governor of Crimea, Sergei Aksyonov, said on Sunday:

The situation is manageable – it’s unpleasant, but not fatal … Of course, emotions have been triggered and there is a healthy desire to seek revenge.”
 

Bunkkerirunkkari ampuu kaikki varastonsa tyhjäksi. Tulee kovin päivä Kiovassa koko sodan aikana?
putinin kuollonkorahdus, ei Ukraina tämmöisestä antaudu ja ryssä haaskaa terrorismiin aseita joita voisi käyttää oikeaan sotimiseen. Toki jos jotain järkeä koittaa tästäkin löytää muuta kuin yhden sillan osittaisin tuhoutumisen kostamisen, niin ehkä kokeilevat miten hyvin pääsee ohjuksilla läpi, jos laittavat ytimen jossain välissä sisään tai lähelle. Joka sekään ei oikein muuttaisi mitään parempaan suuntaan ryssän sotimisen kannalta.

Kansainvälinen reaktio kiinnostaa itseäni melkein enemmän. Kai sille ryssänkin terrorismille pitäisi johonkin laittaa raja ja alkaa vastaamaan putinille, että siviilikohteet varsinkin kaukana rintamasta ovat off-limits tai isketään seuraaviin ryssän sotilaskohteisii. Tässä kuitenkin selkeästi ryssä on heikkona ja se näkyy tämmöisestä ohjusten haaskauksesta terrorismiin hyvin, jos olisi paukkuja voittaa sota niin näillä ohjuksilla siivottaisi sotilaskohteita.
 
Viimeksi muokattu:
Latvia’s prime minister, Krišjānis Kariņš, has called on EU leaders to stop all tourist visas for Russians, reigniting the debate about further tightening sanctions against Vladimir Putin’s Russia.

Speaking to the Guardian, Kariņš rejected the idea that allowing Russians seeking to evade the draft to enter the EU would be a way to weaken the Kremlin’s armed forces. He said it was understandable that many men would not wish “to go and fight and likely die in Ukraine” and this could trigger a “potential huge immigration wave coming from Russia”, but contended that posed a security risk to Europe. “I think the political dissenters have mostly already left. Then there will be economic opportunists, many, many other reasons and people with unknown loyalties.”
 
In a time of violence, warfare and bloodshed, what is the use of literature? This was a question addressed at the Lviv BookForum, a three-day literary festival in the Ukrainian city, staged despite – and in defiance of – the Russian invasion.

The festival has brought together Ukrainian, British and international authors including human rights lawyer Philippe Sands, whose bestselling book, East West Street, is largely set in 20th-century Lviv.

Ukrainian writer Oleksandr Mykhed told audiences that at the moment of the invasion, he realised: “You could not protect your family from a rifle with your poems. You could not hit someone with a book, you could try but it won’t work with the crazy occupiers from Moscow. I lost belief in the power of culture, lost interest in reading.”

That week, he enrolled in the armed forces. The sense of complete rupture was magnified when, “on the seventh day of the war – this sounds almost like a biblical story – my past, my wife’s past, was taken when a Russian shell destroyed our home”.

Soon, however, he started writing again. “I started writing non-fiction diaries, to be a witness to events. This is a primal function of art … More talented writers of the next generations will take this raw material and make a beautiful novel about it. But being in the centre of the hurricane you just try to grab the tiniest moments of your grief, the tiniest moments of your scream.”

“Art in war has a very practical role, to be a support, a help and to be a testimony, to be a tool for empowering memory,” said writer and translator Ostap Slyvynsky. “The most important is the testimony that’s recorded immediately, during events, not afterwards. We will not forget what’s happening now, because it’s unforgettable, it will remain in our individual memories and collective memories for a long time. But we will never speak about it the way we are speaking about it now.”

Volunteering in Lviv at the start of the war, he found himself helping give out food and drink, as refugees from the east of the country arrived. But he realised these were not their only basic needs. “I understood very quickly that people also have another very important need – to tell stories. I was an anonymous listener to them, often the first person to hear their stories.”

It is these tales of trauma and dislocation that have formed the basis of his Dictionary of War, which charts the transformation of everyday language during the conflict.

Jokin osa kulttuurista säilyy, vaikka örkit yrittävät sen tuhota
 
Kateryna Sabadosh gazed up at what was once a nine-storey building. Its apartments were blackened shells. An explosion had ripped out the ground floor, turning it into a macabre doll’s house, with someone’s dressing table visible. Windows were broken. Debris littered the front yard. A courgette plant grew in the deep crater where a Grad missile landed.

“It’s psychologically difficult. The area was once so beautiful,” said Sabadosh, a 63-year-old pensioner. She moved to north Saltivka, an ensemble of high-rise buildings in the city of Kharkiv, back in 1989, when Ukraine was part of the USSR. “There’s a certain nostalgia for the more equal society we had then, but not for communism,” she said.

Vladimir Putin’s attempt to return Kharkiv to Russia brought disaster to her suburb. Saltivka is located in the north-east of the city, next to a busy ringroad. Until last month, it was the closest point to territory occupied by Russian troops – and to their mighty artillery. Over six months, Saltivka became synonymous with terror, destruction and death falling from the sky.
In an interview with the Guardian, Kharkiv’s mayor, Ihor Terekhov, acknowledged that some buildings were so badly damaged they would have to be knocked down. “The houses we can rescue we will rescue. Those we can’t, we will demolish,” he said. He added: “We will turn one of them into a museum of war so future generations can see the horror of Russian aggression.”

The city was planning to build a new micro-district nearby, Terekhov said. It would be a contemporary, energy-efficient development with solar panels and garages that could double as underground shelters. “When Saltivka was built in Soviet times nobody thought about sustainability. Our goal is to have comfortable, cosy and modern homes,” he said.

The British architect Norman Foster had offered to help. In April he published a “Kharkiv manifesto” and promised to assemble the “best minds” to reconstruct Saltivka. They would include “top Ukrainian talent” and international experts in planning, engineering and design. “I speak with Sir Norman by video once a week,” Terekhov said, adding: “I’m very grateful to him.”

According to the mayor, the project would need to attract a “colossal amount of investment”. Large-scale work could only begin when the war was over, he said.
 
Iskut siviilikohteisiin ovat hirveitä. Toisaalta ne tavallaan ovat hyväkin uutinen, ne kertovat epätoivosta joka Venäjän sodanjohdolla on. Mitään sotilaallista tuhottavaa he eivät löydä, ainoa mitä voivat tehdä on siviilien terrorisoiminen.
Ei Venäjä yritä tässä saavuttaa mitään sotilaallisesti, antavat takaisin siltaiskusta. Täysin odotettu reaktio, tosin hyvin ikävä sellainen.
 
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