Voitonsuunnitelma kokonaisuudessaan lukuunottamatta salattuja osia.
I presented the Victory Plan to the Verkhovna Rada and the people of Ukraine. It is the path to strengthening Ukraine, not just to defend our positions but to build a bridge to the second Peace Summit, which will bring a just end to this war for Ukraine.
Our people, in Ukraine and abroad, never tire of saying “Glory to Ukraine,” and Ukraine never tires of answering, “Glory to the heroes.” But here, we hear less often the words “Ukraine must win.” For some, the word “victory” has become uncomfortable. Yet we understand—victory is not easily achieved.
Yet, only victories bring glory to a country and allow us to preserve the real memory of our heroes for centuries. Victory gives the nation the ability to live — independently, freely, sovereignly—on our land, under our own laws. To choose our future.
The future of Ukraine is to be a strong part of the global world, standing equal to leading countries. To be in the EU and NATO – rightfully. Ukrainians deserve this. That is our goal – to reclaim Ukraine’s right to life, to secure justice for Ukraine, and to end this war with a reliable, honest peace.
I thank everyone bringing us closer to this goal – every soldier, every citizen. The Victory Plan is prepared for all of us – Ukrainians. It is a plan to strengthen our state and our positions, ensuring we are strong enough to end this war, and making Ukraine stand with full strength.
This Plan is possible to implement. It depends on our partners. It does not depend on Russia. Everyone sees that Russia is not seeking an honest peace. Putin is insane and only wants war.
He will not change—he’s too rooted in the past, too much of yesterday, and deaf to others. But with our partners, we must change the circumstances and end this war, regardless of Putin’s desires.
We all must change the circumstances so that Russia is forced to peace. Let’s remember – nearly two years ago at the G20 Summit in Indonesia, I proposed the Peace Formula. It is a strategy to end Russia’s aggression against Ukraine and restore justice for the Ukrainian people, based on the UN Charter.
In two years, nearly 100 countries have supported the Peace Formula. I thank each of them. We held a successful inaugural Peace Summit, proving that this negotiation format can be successful in ending the war. Yet Russia still evades honest diplomacy, throwing bombs and ultimatums.
We must put an end to this. No Russian ultimatum will ever hold meaning for Ukraine. This is guaranteed by our soldiers, by our people, and by our unity – the unity of Ukraine and our partners.
All of this is the foundation of our ability to achieve our goal. The Victory Plan is the path to strengthening Ukraine. And the urgency of it is now, as these steps are time-sensitive.
If we start moving according to the Victory Plan now, we may be able to end the war no later than next year. We all feel the pain of war, and we hear it in names like Pokrovsk, Vovchansk, Kharkiv, Sumy, Orikhiv, Zaporizhzhia, Kherson, and also Donetsk, Luhansk, Crimea.
In these names, we hear not only the fate of Ukraine but also the fate of the Baltic nations, Finland, Poland, Georgia, Moldova, the Balkans, and Central Asia. And even nations far from us but close to our partners – Libya, Syria, and the Sahel region.
In these battles, Ukrainians fight for their independence—and decide whether the world will face more wars. Russia and its accomplices seek more wars. They are learning, and the longer they have to perfect destruction, the higher the price the world will pay for peace later.
For our partners, helping Ukraine now means preserving a world order based on rules. If Russia’s war ends at the peace summit, grounded in international law, it will deter potential aggressors from starting future wars.
But if Putin achieves his insane goals—geopolitical, military, ideological, or economic—it will signal to others, especially in the Gulf, Indo-Pacific, and Africa, that wars of conquest can be advantageous.
The fate of the next decades is being decided by the actions of our global coalition for Ukraine and international law. For us, it is absolutely legitimate to turn to our partners for support in this battle.
For our partners, it’s entirely practical to help us not only stand but win. By supporting Ukraine, they are also helping themselves no less. Putin’s criminal coalition already includes North Korea, where the Kim family regime enslaves over twenty million Koreans.
Our intelligence records not only weapons transferred from North Korea to Russia but also people— workers for Russian factories, replacing Russians killed in the war, and personnel for the Russian army. This marks the involvement of a second state in the war against Ukraine on Russia’s side.
Everyone sees Iran’s help for Putin, and the cooperation of China with Russia. Despite statements, Beijing refrains from taking truly effective steps to stop the aggression and Russia’s violations of the UN Charter.
We must be honest—both Ukrainians and all our partners—if we don’t strengthen ourselves now, Putin will have time to strengthen himself next year, enough to permanently discard diplomacy. Russia must lose the war against Ukraine. This is not a “freeze.”
This is not a trade-off of Ukraine’s territory or sovereignty. We must implement the Victory Plan to force Russia to the Peace Summit and bring an end to this war. The Plan consists of five points and three classified annexes.
Point one is geopolitical. Points two and three are military. Point four is economic. Point five is security. The points are time-based. The first four are for wartime, aimed at ending it. The fifth is for post-war, to guarantee security.
First, an invitation to NATO. We are a democratic nation that has proven we can defend Euro-Atlantic values and our shared way of life. For decades, Russia has exploited Europe’s geopolitical uncertainty—the fact that Ukraine is not a NATO member.
This emboldened Russia to attack our security. Now, an invitation to NATO for Ukraine can be crucial for peace. We understand that NATO membership is for the future, not the present. But Putin must see that his geopolitical ambitions have failed, and the Russian people must feel that their czar has been defeated geopolitically.
I thank all our partners who support that an invitation for Ukraine to NATO now, with membership later, it strengthens everyone. An invitation is a strong decision that requires only resolve.
Today, it symbolizes more than just NATO. Determination on NATO for Ukraine also means the inevitability of European integration and the non-alternativeness of democracy in Ukraine. That’s why it’s the first point of the Victory Plan—a demonstration of resolve.
An unconditional invitation now. This shows how our partners truly see Ukraine’s place in the security architecture. I urge everyone to work toward ensuring our partners’ resolve to recognize Ukraine as an equal in the European security architecture.
The second point – defense. It is the irreversible strengthening of Ukraine’s defense against the aggressor. It is realistic to defend our positions on the battlefield in Ukraine while also bringing the war to Russian territory, so that Russians truly feel what war is and, despite their propaganda, begin turning their hatred toward the Kremlin.
We are not naive. Ukraine does not and will not believe that the majority of Russians will ever grasp the depth of Russia’s moral downfall, but they must feel the collapse of their army. And that will be the defeat of their war ideology.
There is a clear list of weapons capable of supporting this strength in our warriors. Thanks to the Kursk operation, we saw that Putin lacks the strength to hold on when we truly press hard.
The key to implementing the second point of the Victory Plan includes:- Successful continuation of operations by Ukraine’s Defense and Security Forces on enemy territory to prevent buffer zones on our land.– The irreversible strengthening of Ukraine’s Defense and Security Forces and the destruction of Russia’s offensive potential on the occupied territories of Ukraine.
– Partner help in equipping reserve brigades for the Armed Forces.– Elevating Ukraine’s air defense to protect cities from Russian missiles and drones.– Joint operations with European neighbors to down Russian missiles and drones within the air shield of our partners.
– Expanding operations using our Ukrainian missiles and drones, as well as investing in the expansion of their production in Ukraine.– Lifting partner-imposed restrictions on the use of long-range weapons across all Russian-occupied territories of Ukraine and in Russia, targeting military infrastructure, and providing Ukraine with corresponding long-range missiles, drones, and other strike capabilities.– Providing Ukraine with real-time satellite data and intelligence gathered by other means.
For every defense sub-point, Ukraine gives partners clear reasoning – what our goals are, how we achieve them, and how this reduces Russia’s ability to continue the war. The defense point of the Plan has a classified annex for partners with relevant military potential.
The third point of the Plan is deterrence. There is also a classified annex for this. It has already been received by the leaders of the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Italy, and Germany. Other countries will also receive it—those who can give real substance to this well-known global concept of deterrence for Ukraine.
Russia acts aggressively only when it is convinced it will not face an adequate destructive response. When Russia knows there will be a response, and understands what that response will be, they choose negotiations and stable coexistence, even with strategic adversaries.
Deterrence of Russia from aggression is possible not just for Ukraine but all of Europe. Ukraine proposes deploying on its territory a comprehensive non-nuclear strategic deterrence package that will be sufficient to protect Ukraine from any military threat from Russia and will narrow Russia’s options to the following outcomes:
Either Russia joins an honest diplomatic process for a just end to the war, or it will lose its ability to continue the aggressive war due to Ukraine’s application of the deterrence package provided, in line with clearly defined military objectives.
In other words, the deterrence package means Russia either chooses diplomacy or faces the collapse of its war machine. Peace through strength. On both sides of the Atlantic, this works equally effectively. This point can be secured through funding within the framework of already established security agreements with partners and defined financial support.
The fourth point – strategic economic potential. Ukraine has natural resources and critical metals worth trillions of dollars. These include uranium, titanium, lithium, graphite, and other strategic resources, which will either strengthen Russia or Ukraine and the democratic world.
Russia’s goals include seizing Ukraine’s resources, energy, and food production potential. And this is our opportunity for growth—Ukraine’s economic growth and the strengthening of the European Union, contributing to Europe’s economic and, in many ways, security autonomy.
It’s also an opportunity for the US and our G-7 partners to work with Ukraine—a capable ally that can ensure a return on investment. The economic point of the Plan has a classified annex shared with designated partners.
Ukraine proposes that the United States, along with designated partners—including the European Union, which Ukraine will be a part of—and other global partners, sign a special agreement for the joint protection of Ukraine’s critical resources, as well as joint investment in and utilization of the corresponding economic potential.
This is also peace through strength—economic strength. This agreement will naturally complement and reinforce the existing system of economic pressure on Russia, including all current sanctions, the oil price cap, export restrictions to Russia, and other pressure measures. Russia’s accomplices around the world must see that this regime has no economic future.
The fifth point – for the post-war period. After this war, Ukraine will have one of the most experienced and sizable military contingents. These are our warriors, who will possess real experience in modern warfare, successful experience in using Western weaponry, and diverse experience in cooperation with NATO forces.
This Ukrainian experience must be utilized to strengthen the defense of the Alliance and ensure security in Europe. It is a worthy mission for our heroes. We foresee, with the agreement of our partners, the replacement of certain U.S. military contingents stationed in Europe with Ukrainian units after the war.
Ukrainians have proven they can be the force that Russian evil cannot defeat. I am grateful to every partner with whom we have discussed this post-war prospect—grateful for the respect shown to Ukrainians and our ability to be invincible alongside our partners in the Alliance.
Ukraine’s partners who have already seen this Plan have taken it practically. Teams are focused on support. Tomorrow, I will present this Plan to the European Council. But I want to be honest with Ukrainian people about how certain behind-the-scenes communication with Ukraine is unfolding.
We hear the word “negotiations” from our partners, while the word “justice” is less frequent. Ukraine is open to diplomacy, but to honest diplomacy. That is why we have the Peace Formula. It guarantees negotiations without forcing Ukraine into injustice. Ukrainians deserve a just peace.
The Victory Plan will pave the way to this. It is a guarantee that the madmen in the Kremlin will lose the ability to continue the war. It is the bridge to implementing the Peace Formula and the path to honest diplomacy.
But on this path, Ukraine must remain strong, united, and aware—aware that while Russia cannot let go of Ukraine, it must lose Ukraine. Russia must forever lose control over Ukraine and even the desire for such control.
This is a guarantee of life for Ukraine. And at the same time, a guarantee of peace for Europe. To achieve this, I ask everyone to work toward unity—within Ukraine and between Ukraine and our partners. Convince our partners. Be the ones who work tirelessly. I thank everyone who works this way for Ukraine, and everyone who fights for Ukraine. I thank all those on whose shoulders Ukraine stands.
In times of war, society can sometimes become polarized. But it is through mutual respect and gratitude that society endures, despite polarization. We are not fighting each other. We are fighting Russia—on the battlefield, in international relations, in the economy, in the information space, and in the hearts of people.
We have achieved and continue to achieve results in battles thanks to our unity. Let’s work together—for Ukraine, for Ukraine’s victory. If we lose unity in Ukraine, we lose unity in Europe. If we lose unity in Europe, we lose the support of the world. If we lose the world’s support, we will lose this war, as we did a century ago.
The Victory Plan, among other things, allows all of us in Ukraine to unite even more around our common goal. May our joint work on the Victory Plan quickly lead to peace for Ukraine. I thank everyone who stands with Ukraine. I am proud of all people of Ukraine. And I believe in Ukraine. Glory to Ukraine!
Onhan näitä kyllä nähty, sodassa sattuu&tapahtuu. Muistaakseni Saksalainen Sturmi tuhosi sen -44 kannaksella paljon kuvatun palasiksi räjähtäneen T-34 alustan raadon jonka ohi suomalaiset nyrkkimiehet kävelee jälkeenpäin nyrkit olalla, jostain 20-30m etäisyydeltä herättyään läpi tulleeseen vaunun ääneen pellon reunassa vaunussaan takavarmistuksena ollessaan. -91 Gulf War:sta on tarina kun M1 kohtaa vihollisen ja johtaja antaa ampujalle tulikomennon mutta mitään ei tapahdu, ampuja oli nukahtanut pidemmän siirtymän aikana tähtäinlaitettaan vasten.
