Ukrainan konflikti/sota
Pihkakoski
Ylipäällikkö
Pihkakoski
Ylipäällikkö
tulikomento
Supreme Leader
Ruohonjuuritason tarinaa.
www.verkkouutiset.fi
Venäjän armeijasta karannut Sergei kertoo Vot Tak -median haastattelussa toimineensa rumpalina soittokunnassa. Hän suostui allekirjoittamaan sopimuksen mahdollisesta sijoittamisesta ulkomaille, koska ei uskonut joutuvansa tositoimiin.
Sotilas lähetettiin helmikuussa koulutukseen Kurskiin ja sen jälkeen Belgorodiin. Kuultuaan pian alkavasta hyökkäyksestä Sergei päätti paeta ja piiloutua lähialueelle.
– Olin varusmies, mutta vaihdoin pian sopimussotilaaksi. He suostuttelivat tarjoamalla kahta vaihtoehtoa: joko erittäin hyvä sopimus tai huonot olosuhteet asepalvelukseen. Valitsin ensimmäisen, mutta se menikin rajusti mönkään ja päädyin sotaan.
Hänet siirrettiin tukiyksikköön, jota ei ollut tarkoitettu varsinaisiin sotatoimiin. Kuljetus Kurskista Belgorodiin osoittautui vaikeaksi ajoneuvojen teknisten ongelmien vuoksi.
– Ajoneuvoni hajosi 20 kilometrin päässä Belgorodista. Istuimme viikon pellolla, ikään kuin kaikki olisivat unohtaneet meidät. Lopulta eräs eversti poimi meidät kyytiinsä ja kuljetti meidät leirille Belgorodiin lähelle Ukrainan rajaa. Siellä minulle kerrottiin, että olemme menossa sotaan, Sergei toteaa.
Sotilas kertoo olleensa onnekas myöhästymisensä vuoksi, sillä suuri osa yksiköstä oli jo rekkakuljetuksessa hyökkäysasemiin. Hän huomasi ajoneuvoissa Z- ja V-merkinnät, jotka viittasivat läntiseen ja itäiseen sotilaspiiriin.
Alueelle oli tuotu valtava määrä sotilaskalustoa. Osa ajoneuvoista oli vanhoja ja alttiita rikkoutumiselle. Sergei toteaa useiden ystäviensä osallistuneen hyökkäykseen.
– Kukaan heistä ei ole palannut, en ole saanut heihin yhteyttä. Yhden tiedän joutuneen sairaalaan jalan sirpalevamman vuoksi. Yksi ystävistäni otettiin vangiksi, hän oli Ukrainan asevoimien videolla.
Taistelutahto vaikutti aluksi hyvältä, sillä sotilaille luvattiin tuhannen dollarin päiväpalkkiot. Sergein mukaan kukaan upseereista ei maininnut ”Naton tai natsien” aiheuttamaa uhkaa.
– He sanoivat, että kyseessä on erikoisoperaatio, jossa voi tienata hyvin. Sen alkamisaikaa ei tässä yhteydessä kerrottu.
Sergei piileskelee toistaiseksi vuokra-asunnossa Belgorodissa. Alueella on edelleen varusmiehiä, jotka eivät allekirjoittaneet sopimusta ja joutuneet näin osaksi hyökkäysoperaatiota.
Paennut sotilas kertoo: Ajoneuvo hajosi, istuimme viikon pellolla | Verkkouutiset
Paennut sotilas kertoo: Ajoneuvo hajosi, istuimme viikon pellolla | Verkkouutiset
www.verkkouutiset.fi
Venäjän armeijasta karannut Sergei kertoo Vot Tak -median haastattelussa toimineensa rumpalina soittokunnassa. Hän suostui allekirjoittamaan sopimuksen mahdollisesta sijoittamisesta ulkomaille, koska ei uskonut joutuvansa tositoimiin.
Sotilas lähetettiin helmikuussa koulutukseen Kurskiin ja sen jälkeen Belgorodiin. Kuultuaan pian alkavasta hyökkäyksestä Sergei päätti paeta ja piiloutua lähialueelle.
– Olin varusmies, mutta vaihdoin pian sopimussotilaaksi. He suostuttelivat tarjoamalla kahta vaihtoehtoa: joko erittäin hyvä sopimus tai huonot olosuhteet asepalvelukseen. Valitsin ensimmäisen, mutta se menikin rajusti mönkään ja päädyin sotaan.
Hänet siirrettiin tukiyksikköön, jota ei ollut tarkoitettu varsinaisiin sotatoimiin. Kuljetus Kurskista Belgorodiin osoittautui vaikeaksi ajoneuvojen teknisten ongelmien vuoksi.
– Ajoneuvoni hajosi 20 kilometrin päässä Belgorodista. Istuimme viikon pellolla, ikään kuin kaikki olisivat unohtaneet meidät. Lopulta eräs eversti poimi meidät kyytiinsä ja kuljetti meidät leirille Belgorodiin lähelle Ukrainan rajaa. Siellä minulle kerrottiin, että olemme menossa sotaan, Sergei toteaa.
Sotilas kertoo olleensa onnekas myöhästymisensä vuoksi, sillä suuri osa yksiköstä oli jo rekkakuljetuksessa hyökkäysasemiin. Hän huomasi ajoneuvoissa Z- ja V-merkinnät, jotka viittasivat läntiseen ja itäiseen sotilaspiiriin.
Alueelle oli tuotu valtava määrä sotilaskalustoa. Osa ajoneuvoista oli vanhoja ja alttiita rikkoutumiselle. Sergei toteaa useiden ystäviensä osallistuneen hyökkäykseen.
– Kukaan heistä ei ole palannut, en ole saanut heihin yhteyttä. Yhden tiedän joutuneen sairaalaan jalan sirpalevamman vuoksi. Yksi ystävistäni otettiin vangiksi, hän oli Ukrainan asevoimien videolla.
Taistelutahto vaikutti aluksi hyvältä, sillä sotilaille luvattiin tuhannen dollarin päiväpalkkiot. Sergein mukaan kukaan upseereista ei maininnut ”Naton tai natsien” aiheuttamaa uhkaa.
– He sanoivat, että kyseessä on erikoisoperaatio, jossa voi tienata hyvin. Sen alkamisaikaa ei tässä yhteydessä kerrottu.
Sergei piileskelee toistaiseksi vuokra-asunnossa Belgorodissa. Alueella on edelleen varusmiehiä, jotka eivät allekirjoittaneet sopimusta ja joutuneet näin osaksi hyökkäysoperaatiota.
Pihkakoski
Ylipäällikkö
StepanRudanskij
Respected Leader
Jos laskin oikein niin 14x1000x180000 jotakuinkin 2,5 miljardia taalaa.
Viimeksi muokattu:
Cooper on mielestäni väärä mittari. Parempi olisi kyky juosta puolikas tai maratoni. Pitkäkestoista suoritustahan tässä haetaan ja hyvää peruskuntoa. Hapenottokyky toki ilmaisee myös tiettyjä asioita.
Viesti NATO:lle, että älkää nyt perkele laittako niitä hävittäjiä tulemaan. Menisi meidän hyvä ilmaylivoima. NATO:han uskoo, koska hui eskalaatio!
23SNTJ
Kersantti
Jospa siellä on ollut jokin kokoontumispaikka tai vastaava.
Niin kuin oli odotettavissa, ryssä sai pienen huokaisun, joukkojen huollon ja tuumaamisen jälkeen höökivaihteen päälle Kiovan luoteispuolella, vaikka Kiovan itäpuolella on vaikeuksissa.
Ryssä on punkenut Tuomiopäivän kolonnasta lähteneillä osastoilla etelään Kiovan länsipuolelle ja hallitsee nyt maantiet länteen.
Jotain tarttis tehä..
Ryssä on punkenut Tuomiopäivän kolonnasta lähteneillä osastoilla etelään Kiovan länsipuolelle ja hallitsee nyt maantiet länteen.
Jotain tarttis tehä..
OPINION
GUEST ESSAY
How Vladimir Putin Lost Interest in the Present
March 10, 2022
President Vladimir Putin, left, meeting with members of Russia’s Security Council last month.
President Vladimir Putin, left, meeting with members of Russia’s Security Council last month.Credit...Pool photo by Alexei Nikolsky/EPA, via Shutterstock
820
By Mikhail Zygar
Mr. Zygar is a Russian journalist and the author of “All the Kremlin’s Men: Inside the Court of Vladimir Putin.”
Sign up for the Russia-Ukraine War Briefing. Every evening, we'll send you a summary of the day's biggest news. Get it sent to your inbox.
Thanks to Vladimir Putin’s decision to invade Ukraine, Russia is now more isolated than it has ever been. The economy is under sanctions and international businesses are withdrawing. The news media has been even further restricted; what remains spouts paranoia, nationalism and falsehoods. The people will have increasingly less communication with others beyond their borders. And in all of this, I fear, Russia increasingly resembles its president.
I have been talking to high-level businessmen and Kremlin insiders for years. In 2016 I published a book, “All the Kremlin’s Men,” about Mr. Putin’s inner circle. Since then I’ve been gathering reporting for a potential sequel. While the goings on around the president are opaque — Mr. Putin, a former K.G.B. officer, has always been secretive and conspiratorial — my sources, who speak to me on condition of anonymity, have regularly been correct. What I have heard about the president’s behavior over the past two years is alarming. His seclusion and inaccessibility, his deep belief that Russian domination over Ukraine must be restored and his decision to surround himself with ideologues and sycophants have all helped to bring Europe to its most dangerous moment since World War II.
Mr. Putin spent the spring and summer of 2020 quarantining at his residence in Valdai, approximately halfway between Moscow and St. Petersburg. According to sources in the administration, he was accompanied there by Yuri Kovalchuk. Mr. Kovalchuk, who is the largest shareholder in Rossiya Bank and controls several state-approved media outlets, has been Mr. Putin’s close friend and trusted adviser since the 1990s. But by 2020, according to my sources, he had established himself as the de facto second man in Russia, the most influential among the president’s entourage.
Mr. Kovalchuk has a doctorate in physics and was once employed by an institute headed by the Nobel laureate Zhores Alferov. But he isn’t just a man of science. He is also an ideologue, subscribing to a worldview that combines Orthodox Christian mysticism, anti-American conspiracy theories and hedonism. This appears to be Mr. Putin’s worldview, too. Since the summer of 2020, Mr. Putin and Mr. Kovalchuk have been almost inseparable, and the two of them have been making plans together to restore Russia’s greatness.
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Continue reading the main story
According to people with knowledge of Mr. Putin’s conversations with his aides over the past two years, the president has completely lost interest in the present: The economy, social issues, the coronavirus pandemic, these all annoy him. Instead, he and Mr. Kovalchuk obsess over the past. A French diplomat told me that President Emmanuel Macron of France was astonished when Mr. Putin gave him a lengthy history lecture during one of their talks last month. He shouldn’t have been surprised.
In his mind, Mr. Putin finds himself in a unique historical situation in which he can finally recover for the previous years of humiliation. In the 1990s, when Mr. Putin and Mr. Kovalchuk first met, they were both struggling to find their footing after the fall of the Soviet Union, and so was the country. The West, they believe, took advantage of Russia’s weakness to push NATO as close as possible to the country’s borders. In Mr. Putin’s view, the situation today is the opposite: It is the West that’s weak. The only Western leader that Mr. Putin took seriously was Germany’s previous chancellor, Angela Merkel. Now she is gone and it’s time for Russia to avenge the humiliations of the 1990s.
It seems that there is no one around to tell him otherwise. Mr. Putin no longer meets with his buddies for drinks and barbecues, according to people who know him. In recent years — and especially since the start of the pandemic — he has cut off most contacts with advisers and friends. While he used to look like an emperor who enjoyed playing on the controversies of his subjects, listening to them denounce one another and pitting them against one another, he is now isolated and distant, even from most of his old entourage.
His guards have imposed a strict protocol: No one can see the president without a week’s quarantine — not even Igor Sechin, once his personal secretary, now head of the state-owned oil company Rosneft. Mr. Sechin is said to quarantine for two or three weeks a month, all for the sake of occasional meetings with the president.
In “All the Kremlin’s Men” I described the phenomenon of the “collective Putin” — the way his entourage always tried to eagerly anticipate what the president would want. These cronies would tell Mr. Putin exactly what he wanted to hear. The “collective Putin” still exists: The whole world saw it on the eve of the invasion when he summoned top officials, one by one, and asked them their views on the coming war. All of them understood their task and submissively tried to describe the president’s thoughts in their own words.
This ritual session, which was broadcast by all Russian TV channels, was supposed to smear all of the country’s top officials with blood. But it also showed that Mr. Putin is completely fed up with his old guard: His contempt for them was clear. He seemed to relish their sniveling, as when he publicly humiliated Sergey Naryshkin, the head of the Foreign Intelligence Service, who started mumbling and tried to quickly correct himself, agreeing with whatever Mr. Putin was saying. These are nothing but yes men, the president seemed to say.
As I have reported for years, some members of Mr. Putin’s entourage have long worked to convince him that he is the only person who can save Russia, that every other potential leader would only fail the country. This was the message that the president heard going back to 2003, when he contemplated stepping down, only to be told by his advisers — many of whom also had backgrounds in the K.G.B. — that he should stay on. A few years later, Mr. Putin and his entourage were discussing “Operation Successor” and Dmitri Medvedev was made president. But after four years, Mr. Putin returned to replace him. Now he has really and truly come to believe that only he can save Russia. In fact, he believes it so much that he thinks the people around him are likely to foil his plans. He can’t trust them, either.
And now here we are. Isolated and under sanctions, alone against the world, Russia looks as though it is being remade in its president’s image. Mr. Putin’s already very tight inner circle will only draw in closer. As the casualties mount in Ukraine, the president appears to be digging in his heels; he says that the sanctions on his country are a “declaration of war.”
Yet at the same time he seems to believe that complete isolation will make a large part of the most unreliable elements leave Russia: During the past two weeks, the protesting intelligentsia — executives, actors, artists, journalists — have hurriedly fled the country; some abandoned their possessions just to get out. I fear that from the point of view of Mr. Putin and Mr. Kovalchuk, this will only make Russia stronger.
Mikhail Zygar (@zygaro) is the former editor in chief of the independent TV news channel Dozhd and the author of “All the Kremlin’s Men: Inside the Court of Vladimir Putin.
GUEST ESSAY
How Vladimir Putin Lost Interest in the Present
March 10, 2022
President Vladimir Putin, left, meeting with members of Russia’s Security Council last month.
President Vladimir Putin, left, meeting with members of Russia’s Security Council last month.Credit...Pool photo by Alexei Nikolsky/EPA, via Shutterstock
820
By Mikhail Zygar
Mr. Zygar is a Russian journalist and the author of “All the Kremlin’s Men: Inside the Court of Vladimir Putin.”
Sign up for the Russia-Ukraine War Briefing. Every evening, we'll send you a summary of the day's biggest news. Get it sent to your inbox.
Thanks to Vladimir Putin’s decision to invade Ukraine, Russia is now more isolated than it has ever been. The economy is under sanctions and international businesses are withdrawing. The news media has been even further restricted; what remains spouts paranoia, nationalism and falsehoods. The people will have increasingly less communication with others beyond their borders. And in all of this, I fear, Russia increasingly resembles its president.
I have been talking to high-level businessmen and Kremlin insiders for years. In 2016 I published a book, “All the Kremlin’s Men,” about Mr. Putin’s inner circle. Since then I’ve been gathering reporting for a potential sequel. While the goings on around the president are opaque — Mr. Putin, a former K.G.B. officer, has always been secretive and conspiratorial — my sources, who speak to me on condition of anonymity, have regularly been correct. What I have heard about the president’s behavior over the past two years is alarming. His seclusion and inaccessibility, his deep belief that Russian domination over Ukraine must be restored and his decision to surround himself with ideologues and sycophants have all helped to bring Europe to its most dangerous moment since World War II.
Mr. Putin spent the spring and summer of 2020 quarantining at his residence in Valdai, approximately halfway between Moscow and St. Petersburg. According to sources in the administration, he was accompanied there by Yuri Kovalchuk. Mr. Kovalchuk, who is the largest shareholder in Rossiya Bank and controls several state-approved media outlets, has been Mr. Putin’s close friend and trusted adviser since the 1990s. But by 2020, according to my sources, he had established himself as the de facto second man in Russia, the most influential among the president’s entourage.
Mr. Kovalchuk has a doctorate in physics and was once employed by an institute headed by the Nobel laureate Zhores Alferov. But he isn’t just a man of science. He is also an ideologue, subscribing to a worldview that combines Orthodox Christian mysticism, anti-American conspiracy theories and hedonism. This appears to be Mr. Putin’s worldview, too. Since the summer of 2020, Mr. Putin and Mr. Kovalchuk have been almost inseparable, and the two of them have been making plans together to restore Russia’s greatness.
ADVERTISEMENT
Continue reading the main story
According to people with knowledge of Mr. Putin’s conversations with his aides over the past two years, the president has completely lost interest in the present: The economy, social issues, the coronavirus pandemic, these all annoy him. Instead, he and Mr. Kovalchuk obsess over the past. A French diplomat told me that President Emmanuel Macron of France was astonished when Mr. Putin gave him a lengthy history lecture during one of their talks last month. He shouldn’t have been surprised.
In his mind, Mr. Putin finds himself in a unique historical situation in which he can finally recover for the previous years of humiliation. In the 1990s, when Mr. Putin and Mr. Kovalchuk first met, they were both struggling to find their footing after the fall of the Soviet Union, and so was the country. The West, they believe, took advantage of Russia’s weakness to push NATO as close as possible to the country’s borders. In Mr. Putin’s view, the situation today is the opposite: It is the West that’s weak. The only Western leader that Mr. Putin took seriously was Germany’s previous chancellor, Angela Merkel. Now she is gone and it’s time for Russia to avenge the humiliations of the 1990s.
It seems that there is no one around to tell him otherwise. Mr. Putin no longer meets with his buddies for drinks and barbecues, according to people who know him. In recent years — and especially since the start of the pandemic — he has cut off most contacts with advisers and friends. While he used to look like an emperor who enjoyed playing on the controversies of his subjects, listening to them denounce one another and pitting them against one another, he is now isolated and distant, even from most of his old entourage.
His guards have imposed a strict protocol: No one can see the president without a week’s quarantine — not even Igor Sechin, once his personal secretary, now head of the state-owned oil company Rosneft. Mr. Sechin is said to quarantine for two or three weeks a month, all for the sake of occasional meetings with the president.
In “All the Kremlin’s Men” I described the phenomenon of the “collective Putin” — the way his entourage always tried to eagerly anticipate what the president would want. These cronies would tell Mr. Putin exactly what he wanted to hear. The “collective Putin” still exists: The whole world saw it on the eve of the invasion when he summoned top officials, one by one, and asked them their views on the coming war. All of them understood their task and submissively tried to describe the president’s thoughts in their own words.
This ritual session, which was broadcast by all Russian TV channels, was supposed to smear all of the country’s top officials with blood. But it also showed that Mr. Putin is completely fed up with his old guard: His contempt for them was clear. He seemed to relish their sniveling, as when he publicly humiliated Sergey Naryshkin, the head of the Foreign Intelligence Service, who started mumbling and tried to quickly correct himself, agreeing with whatever Mr. Putin was saying. These are nothing but yes men, the president seemed to say.
As I have reported for years, some members of Mr. Putin’s entourage have long worked to convince him that he is the only person who can save Russia, that every other potential leader would only fail the country. This was the message that the president heard going back to 2003, when he contemplated stepping down, only to be told by his advisers — many of whom also had backgrounds in the K.G.B. — that he should stay on. A few years later, Mr. Putin and his entourage were discussing “Operation Successor” and Dmitri Medvedev was made president. But after four years, Mr. Putin returned to replace him. Now he has really and truly come to believe that only he can save Russia. In fact, he believes it so much that he thinks the people around him are likely to foil his plans. He can’t trust them, either.
And now here we are. Isolated and under sanctions, alone against the world, Russia looks as though it is being remade in its president’s image. Mr. Putin’s already very tight inner circle will only draw in closer. As the casualties mount in Ukraine, the president appears to be digging in his heels; he says that the sanctions on his country are a “declaration of war.”
Yet at the same time he seems to believe that complete isolation will make a large part of the most unreliable elements leave Russia: During the past two weeks, the protesting intelligentsia — executives, actors, artists, journalists — have hurriedly fled the country; some abandoned their possessions just to get out. I fear that from the point of view of Mr. Putin and Mr. Kovalchuk, this will only make Russia stronger.
Mikhail Zygar (@zygaro) is the former editor in chief of the independent TV news channel Dozhd and the author of “All the Kremlin’s Men: Inside the Court of Vladimir Putin.
Nyt se mitä tuttavallisesti kutsuttiin "Possujunaksi" on ilmeisesti liikkunut 5km ja samalla kalustoa siirtynyt tieltä metsiin jne pois muodosta. Se että kolonna jäisi tuohon ikuisesti oli kyllä haaveilua, kuten aina Vanjalla ei mikään toimi, mutta saa onnistumaan silti.
Merkillinen episodi kaiken kaikkiaan, ja kuinka herkullinen maali olisikaan ollut jollekin riittävän kantaman aseille
Merkillinen episodi kaiken kaikkiaan, ja kuinka herkullinen maali olisikaan ollut jollekin riittävän kantaman aseille
Nyt ois nobelia tarjolla
Tasavallan presidentti Sauli Niinistö puhuu huomenna puhelinkeskustelun Venäjän presidentti Vladimir Putinin kanssa. Ovatko diplomaattiset kanavat aukeamassa?
Presidentti Niinistö kertoi tänään aamupäivällä tiedotustilaisuudessaan käyvänsä huomenna puhelinkeskustelun presidentti Putinin kanssa.
Iltapäivällä toisessa tiedotustilaisuudessa presidentiltä kysyttiin, ovatko diplomaattiset kanavat nyt aukeamassa ja rauha Ukrainassa mahdollineN
– Voi olla, ettei siinä pysty paljoa tekemään, mutta ainakin on yritettävä. Löytyykö sitten laajempi ratkaisu, kaikkihan me sitä toivomme, Niinistö sanoi.
– Kukin varmasti, joka sellaisessa asemassa on, tekee töitä sen eteen. Tällä hetkellä ei kyllä voi vielä antaa mitään ennustetta siinä suhteessa.
Mtv
Tasavallan presidentti Sauli Niinistö puhuu huomenna puhelinkeskustelun Venäjän presidentti Vladimir Putinin kanssa. Ovatko diplomaattiset kanavat aukeamassa?
Presidentti Niinistö kertoi tänään aamupäivällä tiedotustilaisuudessaan käyvänsä huomenna puhelinkeskustelun presidentti Putinin kanssa.
Iltapäivällä toisessa tiedotustilaisuudessa presidentiltä kysyttiin, ovatko diplomaattiset kanavat nyt aukeamassa ja rauha Ukrainassa mahdollineN
– Voi olla, ettei siinä pysty paljoa tekemään, mutta ainakin on yritettävä. Löytyykö sitten laajempi ratkaisu, kaikkihan me sitä toivomme, Niinistö sanoi.
– Kukin varmasti, joka sellaisessa asemassa on, tekee töitä sen eteen. Tällä hetkellä ei kyllä voi vielä antaa mitään ennustetta siinä suhteessa.
Mtv
Atomia tai kaasua tulossa Kiovan keskustaan.....
vessaharjamies
Kapteeni
Ei kuulu varsinaisesti tähän keskusteluun, mutta kumpikin on aika heikkoja mittareita yksin. Nykyaikaisten varusteiden aikakaudella taistelu vaatii sekä lihasvoimaa että kestävyyttä, joita saa parhaiten urheilemalla monipuolisesti. Sovelletut testit esim. esterata repun, ammuslaatikoiden ja vaikka haavoittunutta kuvaavan nuken kanssa kertovat paremmin käytännän suorituskyvystä.
Taktinen etureppu parantaa toimintakykyä silloin kun huolto on heikko.
Ei pärjäis meikäläinen jääkäriressukka ryssän sotimistavalla; näyttää olevan kaikenlainen vetäytyminen ja irtaantuminen mahdotonta. Ks. esimerkki Harkovan kehätien ja kaakkoispuolen saavuttaneesta, alunperin 3 pataljoonan vahvuisesta joukosta, jonka ainoa tehtävä lienee enää sitoa ukrainalaisia joukkoja..
..sillä ainoa reitti, mistä se saa huoltoa ja voi toimittaa haavoittuneet hoitoon, on Staryi Saltivin reitti Siwerski Donets -joen yli, jonka sillan UA räjäytti 5.3.
Tunnetuin seurauksin:
Jos olisin ryssän komppanianpäällikkönä tuolla, niin komentaisin pojat jalkapatikkaan ryhminä itään ja venevarkaisiin..
..sillä ainoa reitti, mistä se saa huoltoa ja voi toimittaa haavoittuneet hoitoon, on Staryi Saltivin reitti Siwerski Donets -joen yli, jonka sillan UA räjäytti 5.3.
Tunnetuin seurauksin:
Jos olisin ryssän komppanianpäällikkönä tuolla, niin komentaisin pojat jalkapatikkaan ryhminä itään ja venevarkaisiin..