Kent Uranium
Kenraali
Jep. Ukraina voi ostaa venäläisiä öljytuotteita markkinahintaan raaka-ainepörssistä. Eikä Venäjä voi sille yhtään mitään. Aika pelleilyä.
Ukrainan konflikti/sota
Jep. Ukraina voi ostaa venäläisiä öljytuotteita markkinahintaan raaka-ainepörssistä. Eikä Venäjä voi sille yhtään mitään. Aika pelleilyä.
https://www.economist.com/europe/20...politician-wins-a-stunning-victory-in-ukraine
A TV comedian-turned-politician wins a stunning victory in Ukraine
But will Volodymyr Zelensky be able to govern?
Jokes about Ukraine’s newly elected president, Volodymyr Zelensky, come easily. He is, after all, a comedian. At times his campaign seemed too frivolous to be consequential. While Petro Poroshenko, the incumbent president, staged political rallies, Mr Zelensky could be found filming his popular tv show, “Servant of the People”, in which he plays a schoolteacher who accidentally becomes president. His public announcement that he was fighting the election was enough of an afterthought that he forgot to tell his wife about it.
Yet Mr Zelensky’s victory in the second-round run-off election on April 21st, with 73% of the vote, is a serious achievement. In four months, he built the biggest majority since Ukraine’s independence in 1991, helped by votersʼ frustration with Mr Poroshenkoʼs chequered leadership and their hopes for a better future. While Mr Poroshenko ran a divisive and nationalistic campaign, Mr Zelensky, a native Russian-speaker of Jewish heritage hailing from Ukraine’s south-east, galvanised support from across the country. Ukrainian politicians have long exploited ethnic and linguistic divides, splitting the country into an “orange” west and a “blue” east. Mr Zelensky, whose name means “green”, carried all but one of 25 regions.
Although war with Russia is still simmering in the country’s east, the election was free, fair and peaceful. Civil society and independent media held politicians to account. Now, thanks to Mr Poroshenko’s prompt concession, Ukraine’s voters have removed a sitting president through the ballot box—a rarity in the region. Mr Zelensky celebrated the example it could set: “To all the countries of the former Soviet Union: look at us, everything is possible.”
Mr Zelensky’s improbable path to the presidency began in Krivoi Rog, a midsized industrial city. The son of a university professor and an engineer, he dreamed of studying international relations in Moscow or Kiev, but settled for law at the local university, where he became involved in a popular comedy contest. He spun his success on the show into a production company, became a household name and made a lot of money from producing and appearing in tv programmes and films.
In the election, being a celebrity outsider was an asset. Oligarchs control Ukraine’s main television channels, but Mr Zelensky’s fame helped bypass this barrier to entry. As a new face on the political stage, he appealed to voters who saw the promise of change after the 2014 revolution hijacked by the old elites, including Mr Poroshenko. At 41, he is too young to have participated in the theft by Ukraine’s political class of Soviet-era economic assets. His informality contrasts with the distance which most leaders in the former Soviet Union maintain between themselves and the voters. His first post-election message was a video posted on Instagram that begins with the grinning president-elect saying, “Heeeeyy everybody!” It has been watched 6m times.
The presentation is undoubtedly appealing; it is the substance that will be Mr Zelensky’s main challenge. He has promised to maintain a pro-Western stance, to fight corruption and to end the war, but his course remains uncertain. Groups jockeying for influence include old friends from the entertainment world, shrewd advisers linked to powerful outside backers, and Western-oriented reformers.
Which has the upper hand will become clear only once he begins making appointments and proposing laws. Ukraine’s constitution gives the president responsibility for foreign and security policy, including picking the ministers of foreign affairs and defence, the heads of the intelligence service and of the military general staff, and the prosecutor-general. Among the policies that Mr Zelensky’s team is discussing are plans to strip immunity from mps and judges, to create a body to investigate financial crimes and to offer an amnesty for undeclared assets. Balazs Jarabik of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace predicts that the new president will “try to build a state less preoccupied by ideology and more focused on offering people efficient services”.
Ukrainians tend to sour on their leaders quickly. Their most urgent demand, say the polls, is that Mr Zelensky lower utility prices—which lies outside the president’s prerogative and would violate the terms of the IMF loan programme on which Ukraine’s economy depends. Public disappointment with the president is the subject of the second season of Mr Zelenskyʼs show, entitled “From Love to Impeachment”. As one aide says: “We know what can happen: we wrote all of this already.”
To change the story, Mr Zelensky must overcome several adversaries. First is the Rada (parliament), which will remain hostile at least until elections this autumn. Mr Zelensky could try to force an early election, but since he has not yet built a party, he may prefer to wait. In the meantime, others are massing their forces against him. The current prime minister, Volodymyr Groysman, plans to form his own party. Mr Poroshenko will continue the fight. Pro-Russian parties, which won 16% of the vote in the first round of presidential elections, could unite and challenge Mr Zelensky in the east.
The second is Russia, with which Ukraine remains in a stand-off. Prospects for resolving it are slim. Vladimir Putin can use his proxies in the Donbas region to test the new commander-in-chief’s mettle, and also has economic levers: even after five years of war, Russia remains Ukraine’s single largest trading partner. On April 24th, Mr Putin announced that Russia will allow Ukrainians living in the breakaway regions to receive Russian passports, a provocative move towards a de facto annexation of Ukrainian territory and a direct challenge to the new president. Both Mr Poroshenko and Mr Zelensky have called for an urgent un security council meeting.
Third, and most important, are Ukraine’s oligarchs. There is much speculation about Mr Zelensky’s links to Ihor Kolomoisky, whose tv channel airs his shows. While both men deny ties beyond business, investigative journalists discovered that in recent years Mr Zelensky flew 13 times to Geneva and Tel Aviv, where Mr Kolomoisky has been living in exile since being accused of defrauding his bank, PrivatBank, of some $5bn. The two men also share cars, security guards and a lawyer. Days before the election, when Mr Zelensky seemed likely to win, a court in Kiev did Mr Kolomoisky a big favour by declaring the nationalisation of PrivatBank illegal; after Mr Zelensky’s victory, Mr Kolomoisky announced plans to return to Ukraine. Those moves may not be Mr Zelensky’s doing, but handling them will be his problem.
That points to the biggest risk of the Zelensky presidency: not that he turns out to be an oligarchic puppet or a Kremlin agent, but that he will not be strong enough to defend the progress that Ukraine has made against his powerful adversaries. The oligarchs will probably aim to weaken the presidency and concentrate power in the more easily controlled parliament. Mr Putin will seek to keep Ukraine from becoming a functioning democracy. Mr Zelensky will have to learn fast, with the cameras rolling and no second takes.
A TV comedian-turned-politician wins a stunning victory in Ukraine
But will Volodymyr Zelensky be able to govern?
Jokes about Ukraine’s newly elected president, Volodymyr Zelensky, come easily. He is, after all, a comedian. At times his campaign seemed too frivolous to be consequential. While Petro Poroshenko, the incumbent president, staged political rallies, Mr Zelensky could be found filming his popular tv show, “Servant of the People”, in which he plays a schoolteacher who accidentally becomes president. His public announcement that he was fighting the election was enough of an afterthought that he forgot to tell his wife about it.
Yet Mr Zelensky’s victory in the second-round run-off election on April 21st, with 73% of the vote, is a serious achievement. In four months, he built the biggest majority since Ukraine’s independence in 1991, helped by votersʼ frustration with Mr Poroshenkoʼs chequered leadership and their hopes for a better future. While Mr Poroshenko ran a divisive and nationalistic campaign, Mr Zelensky, a native Russian-speaker of Jewish heritage hailing from Ukraine’s south-east, galvanised support from across the country. Ukrainian politicians have long exploited ethnic and linguistic divides, splitting the country into an “orange” west and a “blue” east. Mr Zelensky, whose name means “green”, carried all but one of 25 regions.
Although war with Russia is still simmering in the country’s east, the election was free, fair and peaceful. Civil society and independent media held politicians to account. Now, thanks to Mr Poroshenko’s prompt concession, Ukraine’s voters have removed a sitting president through the ballot box—a rarity in the region. Mr Zelensky celebrated the example it could set: “To all the countries of the former Soviet Union: look at us, everything is possible.”
Mr Zelensky’s improbable path to the presidency began in Krivoi Rog, a midsized industrial city. The son of a university professor and an engineer, he dreamed of studying international relations in Moscow or Kiev, but settled for law at the local university, where he became involved in a popular comedy contest. He spun his success on the show into a production company, became a household name and made a lot of money from producing and appearing in tv programmes and films.
In the election, being a celebrity outsider was an asset. Oligarchs control Ukraine’s main television channels, but Mr Zelensky’s fame helped bypass this barrier to entry. As a new face on the political stage, he appealed to voters who saw the promise of change after the 2014 revolution hijacked by the old elites, including Mr Poroshenko. At 41, he is too young to have participated in the theft by Ukraine’s political class of Soviet-era economic assets. His informality contrasts with the distance which most leaders in the former Soviet Union maintain between themselves and the voters. His first post-election message was a video posted on Instagram that begins with the grinning president-elect saying, “Heeeeyy everybody!” It has been watched 6m times.
The presentation is undoubtedly appealing; it is the substance that will be Mr Zelensky’s main challenge. He has promised to maintain a pro-Western stance, to fight corruption and to end the war, but his course remains uncertain. Groups jockeying for influence include old friends from the entertainment world, shrewd advisers linked to powerful outside backers, and Western-oriented reformers.
Which has the upper hand will become clear only once he begins making appointments and proposing laws. Ukraine’s constitution gives the president responsibility for foreign and security policy, including picking the ministers of foreign affairs and defence, the heads of the intelligence service and of the military general staff, and the prosecutor-general. Among the policies that Mr Zelensky’s team is discussing are plans to strip immunity from mps and judges, to create a body to investigate financial crimes and to offer an amnesty for undeclared assets. Balazs Jarabik of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace predicts that the new president will “try to build a state less preoccupied by ideology and more focused on offering people efficient services”.
Ukrainians tend to sour on their leaders quickly. Their most urgent demand, say the polls, is that Mr Zelensky lower utility prices—which lies outside the president’s prerogative and would violate the terms of the IMF loan programme on which Ukraine’s economy depends. Public disappointment with the president is the subject of the second season of Mr Zelenskyʼs show, entitled “From Love to Impeachment”. As one aide says: “We know what can happen: we wrote all of this already.”
To change the story, Mr Zelensky must overcome several adversaries. First is the Rada (parliament), which will remain hostile at least until elections this autumn. Mr Zelensky could try to force an early election, but since he has not yet built a party, he may prefer to wait. In the meantime, others are massing their forces against him. The current prime minister, Volodymyr Groysman, plans to form his own party. Mr Poroshenko will continue the fight. Pro-Russian parties, which won 16% of the vote in the first round of presidential elections, could unite and challenge Mr Zelensky in the east.
The second is Russia, with which Ukraine remains in a stand-off. Prospects for resolving it are slim. Vladimir Putin can use his proxies in the Donbas region to test the new commander-in-chief’s mettle, and also has economic levers: even after five years of war, Russia remains Ukraine’s single largest trading partner. On April 24th, Mr Putin announced that Russia will allow Ukrainians living in the breakaway regions to receive Russian passports, a provocative move towards a de facto annexation of Ukrainian territory and a direct challenge to the new president. Both Mr Poroshenko and Mr Zelensky have called for an urgent un security council meeting.
Third, and most important, are Ukraine’s oligarchs. There is much speculation about Mr Zelensky’s links to Ihor Kolomoisky, whose tv channel airs his shows. While both men deny ties beyond business, investigative journalists discovered that in recent years Mr Zelensky flew 13 times to Geneva and Tel Aviv, where Mr Kolomoisky has been living in exile since being accused of defrauding his bank, PrivatBank, of some $5bn. The two men also share cars, security guards and a lawyer. Days before the election, when Mr Zelensky seemed likely to win, a court in Kiev did Mr Kolomoisky a big favour by declaring the nationalisation of PrivatBank illegal; after Mr Zelensky’s victory, Mr Kolomoisky announced plans to return to Ukraine. Those moves may not be Mr Zelensky’s doing, but handling them will be his problem.
That points to the biggest risk of the Zelensky presidency: not that he turns out to be an oligarchic puppet or a Kremlin agent, but that he will not be strong enough to defend the progress that Ukraine has made against his powerful adversaries. The oligarchs will probably aim to weaken the presidency and concentrate power in the more easily controlled parliament. Mr Putin will seek to keep Ukraine from becoming a functioning democracy. Mr Zelensky will have to learn fast, with the cameras rolling and no second takes.
Viimeksi muokattu:
Maidan
Respected Leader
Venäjältä Eurooppaan tuotavan öljyn laatu romahti - voi pilata jalostamon.
Venäläisen öljyn tuonti Saksaan ja Puolaan on toistaiseksi keskeytetty.
Venäjältä Eurooppaan tuotavan öljyn laatu romahti – voi pilata jalostamon
Venäläisen öljyn tuonti Saksaan ja Puolaan on toistaiseksi keskeytetty.
yle.fi
Joo, näin tuon pari tuntia sitten, mutten päässyt leikkaamaan. Mitähän Venäjällä on nyt tapahtunut? Onkohan pitkäaikainen laatuhäiriö? Tuo meinaan iskee Venäjän lompakkoon ja kovaa.Venäjältä Eurooppaan tuotavan öljyn laatu romahti - voi pilata jalostamon.
Venäläisen öljyn tuonti Saksaan ja Puolaan on toistaiseksi keskeytetty.
Venäjältä Eurooppaan tuotavan öljyn laatu romahti – voi pilata jalostamon
Venäläisen öljyn tuonti Saksaan ja Puolaan on toistaiseksi keskeytetty.
Edit. Perhanan autocorrect. Tuollakin pitäisi lukea linkkaamaan.
Viimeksi muokattu:
Rajajääkäri
Ylipäällikkö
Kuinka tulemme.toipumaan tästä vastoinkäymisestä....
Coffee Man
Respected Leader
StepanRudanskij
Respected Leader
Venäjältä Eurooppaan tuotavan öljyn laatu romahti - voi pilata jalostamon.
Venäläisen öljyn tuonti Saksaan ja Puolaan on toistaiseksi keskeytetty.
Venäjältä Eurooppaan tuotavan öljyn laatu romahti – voi pilata jalostamon
Venäläisen öljyn tuonti Saksaan ja Puolaan on toistaiseksi keskeytetty.
Rima oli jo valmiiksi alhaalla, mutta onnistuivat laskemaan vielä lisää.
Ainakin Zelensky kirjoitti ihan napakan vastineen Putinille koskien Venäjän passien jakamista ukrainalaisille. Kysyy esim. että miksi ukrainalaiset haluaisivat Venäjän passin, kun kyseinen passi oikeuttaa joutumiseen pidätetyksi rauhanomaisessa mielenosoituksissa, epävapaisiin vaaleihin sekä olemattomiin ihmisoikeuksiin. Vastavuoroisesti Zelensky lupaa Ukrainan passin kaikille ex-neuvostoliiton maiden kansalaisille, jotka haluavat taistella vapaudesta.
Tass: Venäläisöljyn laatuongelmista aloitettu rikostutkinta, yksityinen yritys epäiltynä
...
huonolaatuinen öljy on tullut Samaratransneft-terminal -yrityksen solmukohdan kautta. Tämän edustaja puolestaan ilmoitti, että yritys on myynyt solmukohdan vuonna 2017 toiselle yritykselle.
Venäjän, Puolan, Ukrainan ja Valko-Venäjän edustajat keskustelivat perjantaina Minskissä Valko-Venäjällä teknistä toimista tilanteen korjaamiseksi.
Druzhban, suomeksi ystävyys, yksi haara kulkee Valko-Venäjän kautta. Valkovenäläisen valtiollisenBelneftehimin edustajan mukaan sen jalostamojen tuotanto on pudonnut puoleen siitä, mitä se oli ennen ongelmien ilmaantumista. Hän arvioi, että taloudelliset menetykset ovat 100 miljoonan Yhdysvaltain dollarin luokkaa, raportoi uutistoimisto AFP perjantaina.
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Korjattu klo 15.02: Yrityksen nimi, po. Samaratransneft-terminal, ei Samaraneft. Tämän vuoksi poistettu myös sana terminaali otsikosta ja tekstissä korvattu sana terminaali solmukohdalla, koska venäläislähteiden mukaan kyse on öljyputken solmukohdasta.
STT
Tass: Venäläisöljyn laatuongelmista aloitettu rikostutkinta, yksityinen yritys epäiltynä
Venäjällä öljysiirtoputkistosta vastaavan Transneftin mukaan öljyssä ilmenneet laatuongelmat johtuvat tahallisesta pilaamisesta, uutisoi uuti...
www.ess.fi
Päätuote on ranskalaisten paistovehje pikaruokaloihin. Rasvainen pikaruoka on kontraava sijoituskohde, jollaiset kasvavat lamakaudella. Toinen vastaava on aseet ja mielenterveyslääkitys.
Venäjällä taloudessa menee kai ihan ok, mutta tämä esimerkki on heikko toimialasta johtuen.
aj77
Greatest Leader
Viitaten tuohon ylempään, vetelee Ukrainan uusi presidentti sellaista lausunto Venäjän passien jakamisesta ja suoraan päin Putinin naamaa. ”Me jaamme Ukrainan kansalaisuuksia auktoritäärisistä hallinnosta kärsiville ja erityisesti venäläisille jotka kärsivät eniten” Näin suoraa ja kipeästi ei Putinille olekkaan ”sanottu” vähään aikaa. Tosin se on hyvä sanoa nyt, kun vaalien takia edes vähän oli taas maailman huomio. Vaan onko seurauksia..
Maidan
Respected Leader
Lupaili alussa Poroshenkokin vaikka mitä. Esim.lopettaa sota muutamassa kuukaudessa.
Hän myös lupasi antaa kansalaisuutta Putinia vastaan ja Ukrainan puolesta taisteleville, jne. Mutta sitten selvisi että maahanmuuttopykälät eivät tätä salli. Rada ei tehnyt tarvittavat lait, vaikka teki lakiehdotukset. Joten kaunisti deklaroida voi kuka tahansa, mutta teot on sitten eri asia.
Toivon todella että Zelenskylla löytyy vahva luonnetta ja sitten katsotaan tekojakin.
Hallinkorva
Ylipäällikkö
Zelensky oli kampanjassaan "eliitin ja korruption vastainen ehdokas. Reutersin mukaan hänen vaimonsa osti juuri luksusasunnon oligarkilta reilusti alle markkinahinnan. Hieno alku, kerrassaan.
Exclusive: Wife of Ukraine president-elect got penthouse bargain from tycoon
www.reuters.com
Exclusive: Wife of Ukraine president-elect got penthouse bargain from tycoon
Exclusive: Wife of Ukraine president-elect got penthouse bargain from tycoon
The wife of Ukrainian president-elect Volodymyr Zelenskiy bought a luxury apartment for less than half the market rate from business tycoon Oleksandr Buryak, according to official income and property records.
www.reuters.com
Niin tai tarkemmin ottaen osti asunnon 2013 ja on nyt myymässä sitä lähes viisinkertaisella hinnalla. Kaiken lisäksi asunto sijaitsee Krimillä.
letkuspede
Ylipäällikkö
Puhuu asioista niiden oikealla nimellä. Ja kun osutaan arkaan paikkaan, niin tuskin jää vastaamatta. Miten, niin jää nähtäväksi. Nämä vastineet, kun tahtovat synnyttää aina ikävän kierteen jatkumon, josta hankala päästä ulos. Jos tahtoa päästä etiäpäin, niin kannattaisi olla vaan hiljaa ja hyväksyä faktat. Johtajana lähtisin korjailemaan näitä puutteita. Hankalaa tämäkin kun talous ei ole vahvalla kasvu uralla, eikä voi pitää kansaa tyytyväisenä, joten maan sisäisistä ongelmista puhumisesta päästään eroon hetkeksi, kun luodaan esimerkiksi ulkoinen uhka, niin kansalaisten huomio kiinnitetään aivan toissijaisiin asioihin, kuin missä varsinaiset ongelmat ovat, eli ne maan sisällä olevat. Voi kuinka kurjaa muualla on, esim. ukrainalaisilla ja meillä kaikki on ainakin sata kertaa paremmin.
Hallinkorva
Ylipäällikkö
Kyllä se sitten varmaan pitää nyt näin presidentin rouvana myydä, ja myyjällä on oikeus pyytää mitä haluaa. Ilmeisesti pyyntö on realistinen. Kai se kysymys kuuluu, miksi hän sai sen niin paljon alle markkinahinnan. Mitä siihen liittyy.
Kysymys kuuluu myös, että oliko se silloin alle markkinahinnan? Meinaan, että asiat on muuttunut aika paljon Krimillä sen jälkeen ja hankala sanoa näin tietokoneen äärestä, että mitä siellä on tapahtunut asuntomarkkinoilla.